جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « قدرت های بزرگ » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

According to the "doctrine of the responsibility to protect", every government must protect its population against genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. When a country loses its ability to protect its population against such crimes. This responsibility will be delegated to the international community. Due to the widespread lack of human rights in the Syrian crisis, the international community has considered itself to intervene in this country. However, the international community, especially the United Nations, has not been able to act effectively. Considering the current conditions, this article seeks to answer the question of how the "doctrine of the responsibility to protect" has caused the ineffectiveness of the United Nations in the Syrian crisis. To explain the ineffectiveness of "responsibility to support" in Syria, the deadlock puzzle in game theory has been used. Based on this theory, the interests and political considerations of the great powers in the Security Council as the main mechanism for applying the responsibility of protection have prevented the effective and desirable functioning of the doctrine of the responsibility of protection in the Syrian crisis. The hypothesis of the article is that the lack of specific criteria for the implementation of the responsibility to support on the one hand, and the conflicting and complex interests of the great powers in the Syrian crisis on the other hand have affected the performance of the UN Security Council and it faced inefficiency in the serious test phase in the case of the Syrian crisis.

This paper examines the reasons for the formation of two fundamental discourses that determine the strategic policy and foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. These two discourses have been formed by two prominent and influential politicians in the history of the Islamic Revolution, the Supreme Leader and the late Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani. The main question of this research is that in Iran after the Islamic Revolution, what are the reasons for the formation of two discourses of revolutionary independence and international linkage? To answer this question, this hypothesis can be proposed that by examining the contemporary history of Iran's foreign policy, we can understand the process of forming these two discourses. The method considered for this research is descriptive documentary method and books and articles have been used for data collection. The purpose of this research is to explore the reasons for the discourses shaping the strategic policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran that ultimately shape the country's foreign policy. This research finally comes to the conclusion that the two discourses of international Linkage and revolutionary independence each have a separate historical background and have traveled an independent path to become a discourse.

The behavior and relations of great powers are among the most important variables playing a role in the systemic dynamics of the international system. The present article focuses on two levels of systemic and sub-systemic analyses of the international system. This study will examine the following hypothesis:  that in the international system where there are established and emerging great powers with considerable power discrepancy from other powers, economic, political, security and technological relations of all the other actors in the sub system with each great power depends on the relations and dynamics between the two great powers. The findings of this research demonstrate that the international system is in a redistributive state of power relations. In this context, relying on one or some theories in separate frameworks will not provide a proper understanding of the transition stage of current international politics. This research aims to achieve an eclectic theoretical model regarding the sub-systemic effects of the international system dynamics by juxtaposing the presumptions of neo-realism and neo-liberalism paradigms while drawing on the systems theory and subordinate systems.

The Middle East region has always been the scene of conflict between great powers. This conflict has been considered due to the importance of this region from the point of view of energy supply and geopolitical equations for these powers. With the passing of the Cold War and the arrival of the digital age, the arenas of competition between the great powers also underwent a transformation, however, the competition between the great powers, especially the US and China, in this region has received little attention despite its high importance. In order to determine the status of this competition, we had to survey the development process of the region during the period of 2010 to 2022 to find various aspects of this competition. Here, the main question of our research is, to what extent has the competition between US and China been pursued in the Middle East? The hypothesis is that the competition between these two powers in the Middle East region was not limited to one dimension, and for this reason, in order to achieve a more comprehensive view, in this paper, we discussed the three basic dimensions of this competition such as political/ diplomatic, economic and military/ security competition. Our findings indicated the expansion of the fields of competition in all three sectors. Competition in economic dimensions for China and competition in military and security fields were more important for the United States. In this research, a descriptive-analytical method has been used, relying on documentary-library data.

Alliance strategies are considered as part of the grand strategy of each state. These strategies represent different ways of political interactions of a state with other international actors in order to safeguard and promote its national interests. As a result, alliances are one of the most important features of international politics and play an influential role in the foreign policy decision-making of any state. The origin and theoretical basis of alliance theories can be found in the literature on realism and realist theories of international relations. The realist theories, regardless of the power differences between the states, consider them as similar units and similar actors which are security seekers (defensive realism) or power seekers (offensive realism). Thus, no distinction is made between different types of alliance strategies of different states in the international system. The main purpose of this paper is to compare different types of alliance strategies of the states in the international system in a manner conforming with their relative power and position in the world system.The primary research question is that, “what are the most important points of difference and similarities between the alliance strategies of states?” In the research hypothesis, the author claims that the relative power position of states will influence the types of alliance strategies which they formulate and adopt.  For hypothesis-testing, qualitative data are collected for a comparative analysis of the theoretical assumptions, viewpoints and research findings presented by the prominent theorists in this field. Using the method of conceptual analysis of data, the author attempts to answerthe research question. The comparative method is useful because it increases the researcher’s understanding of different political systems or political phenomena and prevents undue generalizations in the research. In this method, a political phenomenon is compared in different countries or institutions, and therefore it is different from the case study method. By comparing the alliance strategies of superpowers, great powers, middle powers and small states, the author finds that there are the greatest similarities between the alliance strategies of two sets of states: a) the satisfied great powers and the satisfied middle powers; b) the dissatisfied great powers and dissatisfied middle powers.In the discussion of the conceptual framework, the unequal structure of power distribution in the international system and the positional rank of each state in this system are discussed. Then, the existing power structure in the international system are examined. One of the important features of the structure of the current international system that should be taken into account is the unequal distribution of power among states, which has led to the classification of states into superpowers, great powers, middle or secondary powers, regional powers, and small states. In the theoretical literature in this field, it can be seen that superpowers and great powers are system-determining states. In sum, some key findings of the research are as follows: 1. The difference in the states’ relative power and positional rank in the international system is the most significant explanatory variable in the adoption of different alliance strategies by all types of states. 2. In the alliance strategies of the middle powers, the structure of the region and the type of patterns governing the region in which the middle powers are located are very important. 3. The power structure of the international system (e.g., the polarity of the system) is an important variable for determining the types of alliance strategies of each state. In the unipolar structure, for instance, the issue of which state is the superpower or what policies it follows will greatly affect types of alliance strategies of other states.

This article aims to re-think the main arguments on Russian Middle East policy. According to the mainstream views, the West plays a pivotal role in shaping Russia's Middle East policy, and Moscow's presence in the Middle East has largely been interlinked to Russia’s changing relations with the United States. Not having considering the international dynamics and complexities of the changing Middle East geopolitics, these contributions continue to argue that Russian Middle East presence is highly intended to challenge the United States and revive the Soviet’s sphere of influence throughout the region. In contrast, this paper offers a multidimensional and multivariable contribution, emphasizes on the regionalization of politics and security in the Middle East and the growing role of regional actors and emerging dynamics that inevitably lead to different options, interests and concerns which necessitates the engagement of great powers, especially Russia. According to regionalization of great powers engagement, Russia's Middle East policy and its increasing intervention in regional developments are influenced by political, security and economic dynamics within the Middle East that has increasingly become the driving force behind a variety of opportunities and threats such as terrorism, energy, arms sales, and foreign relations with the regional states. For Russia, this strong presence in the Middle East does not necessarily mean a return to the revisionist and hegemonic policy of Soviet engagement in the cold war era.

China's global rise over the past few decades has given rise to economic diplomacy in its foreign policy as a tool to help economic growth and pursuing national interests in the international arena. What is striking about this type of Beijing's diplomacy is the use of regional cooperation to advance economic interests in various regions, including South Asia. The main purpose of this article is to examine the multiple dimensions of China's economic diplomacy in this region. Relying on analytical-descriptive method and using various library resources and economic statistics, the present article seeks to provide an answer to the question of what are thce characteristics of China's economic diplomacy in South Asia? In this regard, it can be said that despite the significant economic opportunities in the region for Chinese economic diplomacy, there are significant challenges against it. Findings show that China's economic diplomacy in South Asia benefits from opportunities such as the region's large consumer market, the region's need to attract foreign investment, the transit position of the Indian Ocean, the capacity of the SAARC to develop cooperation and geo-economic and geopolitical opportunities in Gwadar port. Challenges of this type of diplomacy include the presence of rival powers, the fragility of stability and security of regional governments, and competition and economic weakness within the region.

In the current situation of the international system, the competition between America, China and Russia has increased at the geostrategic level. These competitions have affected the international system at different levels and dimensions of geopolitical regions. The main question of the research is why the competition between America, Russia and China has increased in the geopolitical areas of the international system? To answer this question, it can be said that although the competition between America, Russia and China in the regions of the international system is caused by the attempt to penetrate the regions and gain material benefits such as energy, but in this research, the conflict and clash of governance patterns as one of the The most important causes of geopolitical faults are considered. The research method is qualitative and document study with an explanatory and analytical approach, and the method of collecting data and information is library. According to the findings of this research, the competition of the United States with China and Russia has increased under the influence of governance patterns arising from the cultural foundations of identity-giving in the geopolitical faults of West Asia, East Asia and West Asia in political, economic, military and technological dimensions.

Great powers with different capabilities have a privileged position to operate in various international arenas. One of these cases is the role they play in creating international legal rules. In the modern era, which includes the period after 1945, great powers have formed new legal rules in addition to development of traditional international law through their cooperation and competition. the unilateralism of great powers can also have many effects on international law. The purpose is to investigate the unilateralism of the America in the field of international relations and its effects on international law. the question is, how does America's unilateralism in the field of international relations affect international law? the hypothesis is due to the fact that America, as the hegemon, has the capacity to influence the field of international relations, In the field of international law, the unilateralist action of this country, although it can lead to the creation of international customs in some cases, but in practice, it causes weakness and functional crisis in this area. The results show that the unilateral action of America in preemptive defense, use of drones, and use of torture to obtain confessions from terrorist suspects leads to ignoring general rules and ultimately weakening international law. The current study has analyzed the unilateralism of the America in the field of international law with a descriptive-analytical approach in the three areas of creating international custom, the cross-border consequences of domestic law, and the interpretation of the rules of international law by this country.

Yemen is the most impoverished Arab country in the Middle East, which has been embroiled in civil war, foreign aggression, and economic sanctions, despite the expectations of its people to achieve better conditions in the 2011 social movement. One of the reasons for the importance of the issue of Yemen is its strategic position in the region, as well as the political and ideological discrepancies that have arisen over it among some of the governments in the region. The purpose of this article is to study the causes of the continuation of this crisis for 10 years which made it a daily occurrence. The authors seek to answer this question: what factors have led to the continuation of the crisis in Yemen between 2011 and 2021? The article hypothesis refers to two factors of structure and agent based on the Structuration Theory of Anthony Giddens and examines the interaction between the two in the form of structuration in Yemen. For this purpose, the library method has been used to collect data and the analytical-explanatory method has been used to write the article. The research findings show that the interaction of two categories of structural factors (Yemeni internal structures, regional and international and geopolitical power balance) and agents (Yemeni bankrupt government, regional actors, non-governmental actors, and the United Nations) has caused this crisis to be continued; Thus, the multiplicity of variables and the complexity of the internal situation in Yemen and the Middle East environment prevent to imagine a bright future for an early end to the crisis.

In the opinion of many scholars, international law has grown and formed in the pursuit of the goals of the great powers in the recent century. On this basis, the role of the great powers in the formation and development of international law is somewhat vague and contradictory. This is the question to consider: Why and how great powers of the international system are determinative in the formation and expansion of international law? Although governments seem to be legally equal, but the great powers have a key role in shaping and expanding international law through institutionalization, treaty formulation, interpretation of laws and by normalization, due to their different capacities. Given that the great powers want to maintain the rules governing the international order to establish their position, it is considered to create and extend legal rules in their interests. Because legal rules and international institutions can reduce the cost of maintaining the system and increase the legitimacy of the actions of great powers. So the present study claims great powers are shaper, stabilizers and advocates of legal rule. In this way, the present study intends to study the role of international powers in the creation and expansion of international law based on a descriptive-analytical method and using historical evidence and utilizing library practices.

Moving toward space was largely the result of the competition of terrestrial superpowers for planetary hegemony. Moving toward space has created a new criterion for recognizing the promotion of power and allocation of credit in the global community. The exploration and space technologies of the two superpowers, made the competition between them more intense. The launch of Sputnik 1 by the Soviet Union marked the beginning of the space race. Finally, the United States declared itself the winner of the space race by landing on the moon. But then not only did the rivalry between the two countries not end, but it also called on other countries, such as China, India, Japan and some European countries. From the beginning of the space age until now, military activities have been an important part of the goals of the powers. The main question is how space has played a role in intensifying competition between powers. The hypothesis of this article also believes that space has intensified competition between countries, especially space powers, by creating modern weapons and new conditions. From the point of view of neorealism, Space has become a new arena for intensifying competition between countries in the military field and gaining prestige.

This article deals with the geopolitical dynamics of Iraqi energy and the following political and economic developments in the future. The authors aim to analyze the megatrends in Iraq’s energy sector and its geopolitical consequences for Iran in the future. Iraq's strategy for diversifying energy imports, developing renewable energy infrastructure, expanding Foreign direct investments (FDI), At the same time, US pressure on Iraq to reduce its dependence on gas and electricity imported from Iran is one of the most important trends in the future of the country's energy market. The article seeks to answer this question: How will the current political and economic mega-trends in the Iraqi energy sector affect Iran's position in Iraq? The authors argue that the continuation of current Megatrends in Iraq’s energy sector will challenge Iran's exclusive geopolitical advantage in Iraq. The research method was based on trend analysis.

The world has always witnessed the rise and fall of powers, and the importance of studying the displacement of these powers is due to the peace, war, and security of the international system. Therefore, the present study examines the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the impact of the factors of change of power with a futuristic approach, with the change of great powers until 2040. This research is a descriptive-analytical approach in terms of applied purpose and according to the studied components. Therefore, first it predicts the power of countries in the form of economic and military indicators, then with the help of Dylan and Keysan theory, the four countries of China, USA, India and Russia are studied and then a semi-structured questionnaire between experts and specialists with expertise. And they had enough experience about the issues raised, distributed to 30 people and the results were analyzed in Mick Mac software. The results showed that economic-military-security relations will certainly increase in the future. The emergence of China as an indisputable power in the future will lead Iran to reduce security pressures from the West and the United States to China due to common economic interests and no conflict of ideals, and the role of relations in changing the system in favor. In the coming years, China will make Beijing an important player in the Iran-West equation.

The liberal international order, known as the Western-based order or the order created by the United States, was established after World War II and strengthened by the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, the most important challenge that this order has faced in recent years is the growth of emerging powers such as China and Russia, which oppose Western domination, especially the United States, and seek opportunities to reform the international order. Compared to China, Russia takes a revisionist view of the structure of international order and poses more challenges. The main idea here is that although Russia alone is not able to confront the West and the United States, the support of other major powers, especially China, encourages Russia to challenge the liberal order. The main question of the research, then, is what factors motivate China to support Russia's challenges to the liberal order and hegemony of the United States? As a possible answer, this study argues that Russia's challenges are important to China in three ways: First, Russia's challenges protect China from confrontation with the United States and attention to Beijing's growth. Second, the vision offered by Russia does not contradict China's demands and in many cases serves its interests. And finally, the weakening of the Anglo-American core of the liberal order, which could weaken US hegemony, encourages China to cooperate with Russia. The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical

Many researchers believe that, in the recent century, international law has grown and formed in order to achieve the goals of the great powers and in its shadow. In this way, the question is: Why and how great powers of the international system are determinative in the formation and expansion of international law. It seems that the great powers, due to their position in terms of their various capabilities, can be effective in the creation and expansion of international law in various ways, such as customizing and shaping international treaties. The purpose of this article is to investigate the role of major powers in the evolution of international law, especially space law. In any case, just as the great powers created classical international law which did not exist before, in the modern era, it is the position and capability of the great powers, especially in the field of technology, that has given these powers the opportunity to take the lead in these matters. So the present study claims great powers are shapers, stabilizers and advocates of legal rules. In this regard, we try to study the role of the great powers, especially the United States and Russia, based on a descriptive-analytical method and using historical data.

Foreign policy is one of the most controversial areas of governance. The complexity,fluidity, and sensitivity of issues and multiple actors involved make it hard to createand maintain a stable consensus on foreign policy. Different models of consensusbuildinghave been applied in the different political systems. Concluding a multilateralor bilateral agreement with other countries can be a starting point for widening the gapbetween different political factions. JCPOA as a multilateral agreement between Iranand the P5 + 1 caused many debates among Iranian political elites, even some yearsafter its conclusion in 2015. The main question of the article is that whether and towhat extent Iran has been successful in consensus-building in foreign policy. Focusingon JCPOA's experience and using operational coding analysis, this article analyzes theperceptual structures of political elites about JCPOA in the pre-and post-USwithdrawal. The operational code analysis of Iran's political elites about JCPOAshowed that there is no appropriate and efficient perceptual structure for creating astable consensus on Iran’s foreign policy between the three spectrums ofinternationalist, anti-hegemonic, and swing elites.

Throughout the development of global governance, the 2008 financial crisis has continued to play a key role in international political economy. This has resulted in continuous arguments over its definition within both scholarly and policy-making communities. Meanwhile, we can assume that global affairs proceed in the context of two realms, namely the political security realm known as Nation-State System or International System, and the economic realm known as the Global Capitalist System. Within at least the recent fifteen decades, global history has indicated that when great crises occur in the economic realm it brings about great crises in the political security realm. However, although history implies otherwise, the 2008 global capitalist crisis, did not bring about an international conflict threatening international stability as the previous crises had done before World War II.By tracing out a trend within global power dynamics and focusing on both the economic and political security realms, and by drawing from an analytical-explanatory method, this paper argues that this development was caused by the success of great powers in using institutional mechanism to promote cooperation, multilateralism, and transnationalism. This paper’s findings show that the US has lost its hegemonic position, and global affairs are governed through state-centric multilateralism, which is void of nationalism and based on cooperative practices. These cooperative practices are represented in exclusive international institutions known as post-hegemonic global governance.

In the opinion of many scholars, international law has grown and formed in the pursuit of the goals of the great powers in the recent century. On this basis, the role of the great powers in the formation and development of international law is somewhat vague and contradictory. In this toward, the question is: Why and how great powers of the international system are determinative In the formation and expansion of international law? it seems that the great powers, due to the position they possess in terms of their capabilities, through institutionalization, the formulation of treaties, the interpretation of norms and by normalization, they play a key role in shaping and expanding international law. legal rules and international institutions can reduce the cost of maintaining the system and increase the legitimacy of the actions of great powers. So the present study claims great powers are shaper, stabilizers and advocates of legal rules. The present study intends to study the role of international powers in the creation and expansion of international law based on a descriptive-analytical method and using historical data and utilizing library practices.