فصلنامه مطالعات راهبردی
سال دوازدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 43، بهار 1388)

The close relationship between the criminal law and national security in fight against terrorism has produced a mixed picture of criminal law by which although the relevant regulations are preventing governments from interfering in individual rights and freedoms, however they provide a pretext for justification of their authoritative and limitative actions in favor of national security.In this way, due to some characteristics of terrorist groups like dangerousness, organization, biasness and un-modifiability, anti– terrorist laws consist of some tough regulations regarding terrorists which are finally affecting freedom and rights of the ordinary citizens.

Since the mid 1970s we have witnessed adoption of remarkable number of agreements on support and encouragement of bilateral foreign investments between the Islamic Republic of Iran and other countries.Although this has been welcomed by many countries, due to some challenges in adoption and implementation of this kind of agreements, they have not been concurred equally. The challenge lies in the fact that within these agreements, two national expediencies are facing each other: the necessity of growth and development and cooperation with others on one hand, and the necessity of control and preserving public and governmental assets in order to prevent domination of foreigners on national resources and interests. The above- said laws is a forum to link these two expediencies.This paper aims to answer the question that how the Constitution and the domestic laws of the Islamic Republic ofIranand the agreements of bilateral foreign investments can link the two expediencies.

The purpose of this paper is to identify the nature and root causes of theUSfinancial crisis and to consider the effects of the global crisis and recession on the Iranian economy. The author argues that the cause of the crisis is not the competitive market function but in fact it emanated from wrong interference of the US Administration in the economy. By low rates of interest, theUSmonetary authorities had distorted the information system regarding prices within the competitive market and then they had interrupted the link between the monetary and private sectors which finally led to the economic crisis.From the author's viewpoint, the global crisis and recession would affect the developing countries including the Islamic Republic of Iran. Although, this crisis consists of some potential opportunities for the Iranian economy, its threats are stronger than those opportunities which finally can lead to recession of the country's economy.

In regarding to the first term of Bush Administration's foreign policy in concerned to IRI, the second one's (2004-8) is shown that made some change from unilateralism and pre-emptive warfare to the traditional and heritage mode of foreign policy reminded from the cold war so called the Containment Policy. It is reason that change made by some unsuccessfully performance ofU.S.management of peace after the war inAfghanistanandIraq. It argues that this theory would be having conceivably explanting the different situation between theU.S.and IRI in the period. There are based upon it four pattern of behaviors inU.S.foreign policy onIranas follows: engagement, democratization, sanctions and punishment and military action. The paper believes that this outlines could be continuous to the nextU.S.administration. The range of made some changing in behavior, inertial dependency to global club and regime change are the purpose of this policy.

While the US– Syria summit conference failed to contribute to peace negotiations betweenSyriaandIsraelin 2000, the official negotiations restarted indirectly inTurkeyin the Spring of 2008. Since May 19, up to 23 December of 2008, six rounds of negotiations took place and after a short interval, with the Israeli attack onGazathe negotiations stopped unilaterally bySyria. Given the Syrian role as the balancer in the region and as the aim of these negotiations is liberation of theGolan Heights, it is important to consider the trend of negotiations and predict the future. Therefore, the paper aims to survey and consider the foundations and trends as well as complexities of negotiations and finally illustration of the possible impacts of the negotiations on the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The way of interaction dominant on GATT and the World Trade Organization on one hand, and regionalism within the preferred groupings on the other, are among the important and sophisticated facts in international trade. While multilateralism puts the emphasis on non-discrimination (based on national acts and Most Favored Nation Clause) in international trade, regionalism is inclined towards preferred behaviors. However, both have grown up in parallel and governments are applying both. Specially, as during the recent decades and after the Uruguay Round lots of agreements have been concluded multilaterally and the WTO has replaced GATT, we witnessed a new wave of regionalism. However, in spite of incompatibility between these two approaches, the "openness" clause can make regionalism compatible with, and even complementary to the multilateralism. The APEC is a model close to the open regionalism which by some completing steps can be an appropriate pattern in this way.