فصلنامه مطالعات راهبردی
سال بیست و یکم شماره 3 (پیاپی 81، پاییز 1397)

New theories describe the Creative Class as the driving force behind creativity that consequently results in economic growth. This study aims to explore this concept in Iranian provinces based on the theoretical literature relating to the Creative Class and analyze the special patterns governing where they choose to live using spatial analysis methods. To this end, spatial autocorrelation indicators in a Geographic Information System (GIS Software) was used. The findings of the article suggest that there is an uneven distribution of the Creative Class in Iran. Tehran, due to its role as the country's capital and in light of the state's centralized political system as well as a quasi-capitalist and rentier economy, has become a place that attracts and accumulates members of the Iranian Creative Class.

In this article, the negative aspects of an oil-dependent economy and the opportunities that the tourism industry can open up for the Islamic Republic of Iran have been discussed, and the implications of this issue for the country's national security have been reviewed. This research assumes that profits from Iran's tourism industry can be a suitable alternative to oil revenues and help the country move toward sustainable development, which is one of the main requirements of sustainable national security.

It seems that the objective of the Trump administration's "maximum pressure" strategy toward Iran is Sovietization of the country or, in fact, the disintegration of the Islamic Republic of Iran through using the experiences of the Reagan administration in dealing with the Soviet Union. The findings of the present article show that the masterminds behind this project include Foundation for Defense of Democracies and certain right-wing and conservative think tanks in the United States such as the Heritage Foundation and American Enterprise Institute, which are the remnants of the administrations of George Bush senior or George W. Bush. The US State Department and the CIA are the executive arm of the project that involves US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, US special representative for Iran Brian Hook, and White House national security adviser John Bolton. According to this project, the collapse of the "Islamic Republic" or a change in the ruling political system is not enough and the main goal is the disintegration of the "Islamic Republic of Iran". However, the adoption of such a strategy does not necessarily mean that it will succeed and there, are factors that seriously impede the realization of this project.

The scope and implementation of nuclear safeguards have undergone massive changes and developments, which has resulted in a change in the principles and objectives of the nuclear non-proliferation regime and stricter control on peaceful nuclear programs and, in some cases, has even influenced the countries' sovereignty and security. The Iran nuclear deal known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), as a special international agreement, has an important and decisive role in the process of the transformation and development of nuclear safeguards. Iran is one of the countries that have faced certain challenges in the international arena in recent years due to the development and strengthening of nuclear safeguards. Given the impact of the mentioned changes and the continuation of international efforts to strengthen these safeguards, it is necessary and inevitable for the country to devise and pursue a strong strategy in regard to the international process of the strengthening of nuclear safeguards in the world.

Iran and how to curb its regional influence has been one of the most important concerns of Saudi Arabia, especially over the past decade. The authors of this article maintain that the Saudis, through the adoption of a particular approach, has sought to expand their communication network in different areas in order to create integrated deterrence against Iran with the aim of compelling it to change its regional strategies. The main question asked in this article is how Saudi Arabia uses integrated deterrence to counter and contain Iran.

Given the fact that convergence and divergence in transatlantic relations and the role of Britain in the European Union have always been two important and determining factors in the EU's relationship with Iran, this article asks what implications Brexit and the presidency of Donald Trump in the United States could have for transatlantic relations and Iran. This paper assumes that Brexit and Trump's presidency—which have led to an unprecedented gap in transatlantic relations and security deficit in Europe—have promoted the EU to move toward reducing its strategic dependence and defend its own values and interests. Past experience has shown that such developments offer unique opportunities for the expansion of the Islamic Republic of Iran's relations with Europe, particularly considering the fact that Iran is one of the main bones of contention that have driven a wedge between governments on the two sides of the Atlantic Ocean.

This article seeks to determine the most important factors that could influence the prospects of Kurdish independence in Iraq in the next decade and to present possible scenarios. To this end, a structural analysis was conducted to determine the major factors as well as the extent of their influence and how much they can be influenced by other factors in a macro-system. The findings of the research have been presented and explained in different sections. The study shows that the support received, international approaches, competitions, and the attitude of the actors involved are, in descending order, the most important factors in the issue of Kurdish independence. The power and cohesion of the central government and differences or strategic cohesion of the Kurds are two key uncertainties shaping the scenarios of Kurdish independence. Four scenarios for Kurdish independence have been presented in this article.