فصلنامه مطالعات آسیای مرکزی و قفقاز
پیاپی 89 (بهار 1394)

Region word is mutant concept in political term, That’s mean, predefined regions will altered over the time with Political climate. Central Asia in cold war period was a part of Soviet Union. After the collapse of the Soviet Union five republics became independent in this area. During the first half of Nineties decade, Most of researchers were believing that Central Asia, Caucasus, Baltic States & Eastern Europe has not Separate identities. But Gradually in the second half of this decade Central Asia Studied as distinct region. Expanding the Central Asia borders was raised coincide with occurrence the New Great Game in this region. Greater Central Asia plan is Consequence of this Process. Up to now Different interpretations of Greater Central Asia have been presented. This Article follows the American Greater Central Asia narrative and tries to answer the below questions. Whether Greater Central Asia can be implementation? What are the forwarded Restrictions of this project? What is the main aftermath of Greater Central Asia plan? “The main Consequence of Greater Central Asia plan is reduces China & Russia influence in region. Greater Central Asia plan have faced with complex of security barriers. China & Russia’s Opposition will Prevent Implementation of this plan.” We will examine above hypothesis With applying the Regional Security Complex theory.

Chinas an emerging power in the transitional period of post-cold war era, through improving its political and economic power, as well as by taking benefit of the existing various institutions particularly BRICS as an intercontinental political-economic coalition, has tried to develop its share of global power and to orient the global structure towards a multilateral, fair, just and balanced system. China as one of the most important and influential members of BRICS, has, due to its economic growth and political influence, a more favorable position in comparison with other members of this institution.
In this regard, a question arises: why and how China has a strategic vision towards the BRICS? And the hypothesis is that in the framework of neo-liberal institutionalism theory, China is trying to act as a pivotal power in the transitional international system in order to establish a "balanced polycentric system" by reinforcing the economic and political cooperation through different multiregional institutions particularly BRICS.

Coming to power by Vladimir Putin as Russian President in 2012 and the subsequent election of Dr. Hassan Rouhani as Iran's new president in 2013, lead to a new era in the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation;
Seven presidential meetings, multiple visits by ministers and other political, economic and security officials, enhancing the legal frameworks of relations, signing several important documents, paved the way for expansion and consolidation of the relations between two neighboring countries in both governmental and public levels.
Furthermore, effective cooperation in various regional crises, especially common military operations in Syria and close positions on many international and regional issues, has created unprecedented conditions in the ups and downs of relations between Iran and the Russian Federation after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
The Authors of this article focusing on the trend of Iran- Russia relations during last three years, examine the reasons for shaping the current situation of this relation. The main assumption of this article is that the confrontation between Tehran and Washington and Iran’s perception of US threats and subsequent tension between Russia and the United States since 2012 is the most important reason for enhancing Tehran – Moscow relations.

Using existing capacity and development of complete relationship with central Asia countries is one of the main goals in Iran relations as in regional policies of Islamic Republic of Iran, the development of relations with these countries if of great importance in recent years. This aim is also emphasized with establish and exploitation of East Railway of Caspian Sea or Iran-Turkmenistan-Kazakhstan Railway. The present study attempts to conduct a study by Descriptive-Analytic and library method in terms of Integration and functionalism theories and considers also the impact of Iran-Turkmenistan-Kazakhstan Railway on regional cooperation development in central Asia. Indeed, with the great importance of regional relations for Islamic Republic of Iran, we attempt to answer this main question that how can eastern Railway of Caspian Sea be effective on Integration of Iran with central Asia countries? Our answer to this question as using Iran-Turkmenistan-Kazakhstan Railway is a great step in development of the Iran relationship with central Asia countries. If parties attempt to improve infrastructures and increase load and passenger movement of this important corridor, it is a turning point regarding the regional Integration process of Islamic Republic of Iran with central Asia countries.

A few years after the Newly Independent States of the former Soviet Union decided to set up Navy, the Caspian Sea is militarized growingly. In addition to the Russian Navy, which is the most powerful and experienced navy in the Sea, Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan Navies are also expected to be added to the chessboard. The main question of this article is that “what would be the possible impacts of militarization of the Caspian Sea on the Iranian national security?”
The article’s hypothesis is that “the militarization of the Caspian Sea would enhance the national power of some coastal states and disturb balance of power in the region temporarily and therefore, would put real military, economic as well as political challenges before Iran.

The present article looks into the change in the political structure in Armenia; from a presidential system to a parliamentary one. Following the adoption of constitutional reform in early December 2015, Armenia was the first country in the South Caucasus region to pursue such a shift, and in fact the second country in the Central Asian region after the Kyrgyz Republic's similar move in June 2010. Quite distinct from the Kyrgyz experience which occurred following a period of political turbulence, including the 2005 Tulip Revolution, the change in Armenia took place in a context of relative political stability and a generally functioning semi-democratic system without the regional hallmark of a 'president-for-life.' This article undertakes to study the historical background of this transformation in the backdrop of the long legacy of authoritarianism in Central Asia and Caucasus, both under the Tsarist and Communist eras, which led, in the immediate post-Soviet period, to the emergence of all-powerful presidents/executive branch in the entire region, inclusive of the Russian Federation itself, and in the new independent republics. The significance of Armenia's experience lies in the reasons and rationale for this important transformative change and what it portends for the long-term future development of the country itself, in its domestic situation as well as in its external relations, and on a larger scale for the bigger surrounding region. This important change in Armenia, Iran's sole Christian neighbor, also happens to be of interest to Iranian academics and analysts – also addressed in the latter part of the study.