نشریه جستارهای تاریخی
سال یکم شماره 2 (پاییز و زمستان 1389)

So far, religious developments of Iran during Safavid period and the role of the emigrant ulamā of Jabal ‘Amil in these developments, has attracted a considerable scholarly attention. But there are still serious controversies on the importance of this emigration. The present paper aims to examine this subject from a rather different point of view, i.e. the role of ‘Amili ulamā in changes of religious discourse of safavid Iran. To come up with this, it draws on two prominent ‘Amili shi’ite scholar, Muhaghigh-e Karakī and Shahid –i Sānī-‘s jurisprudential ideas to re-evaluate the aforementioned change and the emigrant ulamā’s role in this process. It also claims an efficacious role for these emigrant ulamā in shifting the innate character of religious discourse of safavid Iran from a philosophical to a rather jurisprudential one.

By finishing World War I, and on the eve of Versailles peace conference, some countries, such as Iran which despite their formal declaration of neutrality, suffered a compulsory occupation by both the Ententes and the Central Powers, were hopeful to claim their own litigations and demands in this conference. Prince Nosrat-o Dowleh-ye Firouz, an Iranian prominent political figure of that time who was in charge of Iran’s office of foreign affairs, illustrates the Iranian irredentist claims and demands comprehensively as a dispatch note in this conference. Among those, there were in particular some articles called for a legal restoration of trans-Araxes Iranian lands which Qajar dynasty at the beginning of 19th century had lost to Russia. However, Lord Curzon, the English foreign secretary of that time did not agree with this policy. This paper aims to give a brief survey of Iran’s foreign policy during this historical situation and present its results.

The main question which this paper aims to answer is that what were the dominant trends of Jangal movement and the main characteristics of these trends? To find an answer for this question, by assuming a central position for ideology, we have distinguished three main trends: religio-nationalists, right compromisers and leftist. Our method in this research is analyzing documentary data which are gleaned from library sources. Our research findings show that the religio-nationalist trend maintained an Iranian-Islamic attitude and were characterized by their charismatic leader Mīrzâ Kūchak Khan. While this trend was under a serious constraint by the central government, it had its native proponents among constitutionalists throughout Iran. In international arena, it was opposed by tsarist Russia and Britain. The right-compromiser trend maintaining an unstable stand, preferred to conform itself according to political conditions. Finally, the third party maintained a Leninist posture and its prominent figures were Iḥsân allâh Khân and Heidar Khân ‘Amūoghlī. This paper aims to give a survey within a socio-historical framework which, to our knowledge, is a new and unprecedented approach toward this subject.

The formation of parliament and acceptance a kind of parliament system by Mozaffar – al – Din shah, Was a result of Constitution Movement. This Parliament in the first command in its formation didn’t have specific name. In the next command the parliament was named. Islamic Parliament and the last command - four days later – were named the National Parliament. Research about these changes of names, showed that political motives from pessimism of supports of constitution on governmental functionaries on one side, and afraid of confiscate by opponents on the other side. This Article wants to explain the effects of political motives on these changes.

In the 13th (7th century), Quhistan besides Alamut and Suria was considered as one of the three large Nizari centers. After the Mongol invasion and before the Hulaku, this society was extended. Nobody informed about Nizari social status and relationships within the community. Those who reported from outside, wrote with hatred and prejudice of Nizaries. The most of a few sources that were written in the community and survived, belonged to the ethical books, which were compiled or translated by Nasir al-Din Tusi, in support of Nasir al-Din Mohtasham, the head and commander of the Nizari community of Quhistan. In the lack of other sources, one may find more information of the community from these ethical books, especially Akhlaq-e Muhtashami. In the view that, Muhtasham Nasir, the Nizari head and thinker of quhistan, was the main supporter of ethical works and even he, himself and purposely chose the contents of an ethical book, Akhlaq-e Muhtashami, then ordered Tusi to translate and edit it. So the content of this book should be regard as a Prescription, which a physician, who was familiar with the patient, Nizari society of Quhistan, prescribed it. This paper is going to describe the social status and relationships within the Nizari community of Quhistan, through Akhlaq-e Muhtashami by historical internal and external criticism.

The situation of educational affairs in Tabriz experienced significant changes during Pahlavi I (1304-1320/1925-1941). Some of these changes happened in structural and statistic aspects of educational affairs and some others affected the content of texts and extra curricle programs. In any case, both aspects of Tabriz education -pedagogic texts and nonscheduled programs- were affected deeply by formal cultural policy of Riza Shah’s government. Central to this survey is a reconsideration of effects of Pahlavi I’s cultural policy on educational affairs. This is a basic appraisal of this matter and the methodology we have used may call a descriptive – analytical one.

following the fall of Sassanid Empire, it needed a long time to prepare anew favorite conditions for establishment and development of Iran’s administration and its foreign relations. Greater Khorâsân played an essential role in this phase and prepare a fertile milieu for the reconstruction and revival of some structures which suffered a real rupture during the first Islamic centuries. Contemplating the course of events during that period, one might find the initial attempts to establish a foreign policy in 4/10 century. It seems the Sâmânīd emirate in Khorâsân and Transoxiana contributed largely to the cultural resurrection and brilliant growth of Iran’s civilization in first Islamic centuries. Considering the particular geographical situation of Sâmânīd territory, it was quite natural that it would find it a necessity to define its own foreign policy and the inter-dynastical relations. Hence, one might be allowed to recognize Sâmânīd dynasty as the first dynasty in post- Islamic Iran which attempts deliberately to find its status in the world in that time. This paper purported to examine Sâmânīd initiatives in this field and its contribution to the structure of foreign policy in Islamic Iran.