فهرست مطالب

مطالعات منطقه ای - سال دوم شماره 4 (سال 1379)

نشریه مطالعات منطقه ای
سال دوم شماره 4 (سال 1379)

  • اسراییل شناسی - آمریکا شناسی
  • بهای روی جلد: 9,500ريال
  • تاریخ انتشار: 1379/09/23
  • تعداد عناوین: 14
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  • Bijan Assadi Page 1
    Political Zionism as a historical-political ideology, has as its goal as the return of Jewish diaspora that have been scaffered the world. The factors that reinforce this belief are religious beliefs, religious promises, old historical stories that have been leterred to by the Jews (documents), and the role, and presence the Jews have had historically in Palestine. The article while distinguishing between religious and political Zionism, believes that religious Zionism has at its root liberation of the Jews at history’s end. While political Zionism by transforming religious, moral ideology of the Jews to political and earthly phenomenon, has as its aim the establishment of independent Jewish state. Thus, the creation of Israel in 1948 has been based on political ideals of Zionism.
  • Mehdi Zakerian Page 31
    What are the principle paradigms of international relations today, and what position does the United States occupy in it and what are the interpretations for these paradigms? This article by posing these questions, analyzes the present world system and concludes that human values have become victorious in the last decade of the twentieth century. Globalization as a practice that involves human development and the challenge (political-sociological- economic) contronted by it are also analyzed. The United States will only be able to occupy a supreme position if it balances the political, cultural, and economic forces and takes into consideration human dignity. Else it will suffer from the challenges brought upon her and not occupy the above.
  • Keyhan Barzegar Page 47
    This analysis has to do with likud’s stances in relation to peace negotiations during the premiership of Benjamin Netanyahu. The main argument of the article has to do with Likud’s unwillingness to accept “Land for Peace” formula of the labour party as proposed to the Madrid Conference. The main reason being Likud’s ideology and strategy, and its uncompromising stance. Likud has no intention to withdraw from the Golan Heights, the bone of contention between Israel and Syria. The party firmly believes that the occupation is a guarantee for Israel and must not be relinguished. It was due to above that Likud proposed “security for peace” instead of “land for peace” formula. Likud had in mind to isolate Syria and follow a dual approach paving the way for separate peace venues with Syria and Lebanon, so as to corner Syria and weaken its bargaining power. It was due to above that during Likud’s rule, peace nogotiations between Syria and Israel came to no conclusion and was at a standstill.
  • Darioush Akhavan Zandjani Page 61
    One of the ongoing debates in the United States concerns the powers and authority of the three branches, and their relations with one another. The relation between the executive and legislative branches in regards to making decision concerning war and foreign policy is of prime importance. This article while posing several questions regarding the jurisdictions of the president and congress concerning foreign policy and war, deals with the question of who is in a stronger position in deciding issues about foreign and defense policies. In order to answer the above, two orientations are dwelled upon in this article (1)political - legal orientation (2) sociological -political economy orientation. The balanced model of the relations among the three branches can be deducted from the political - legal orientation conflict and cooperation are the forces in their relationships.
  • Abd Maroof, Translated By Ali Akbar Alikhani Page 85
    The author of the book explicitly stresses that Ehud Barak, head of the labour party and premier of Israel has used lies and deceit to introduce himself as peacemaker to the world. The peace that Barak has in mind does not take into considerations the interests of the Arabs and the Palestinians but rather secure Israel expantionist interests and politics. He is a militatry man whose hand has been blooded in many suppressive and criminal acts of Israel. So his claim as a man of peace is hollow with no substance. The book has six chapters. The first chapter deals with the prospects of Barak’s government and politics and analyzes his politics during different periods. Barak’s emphasis has been on preserving Israel’s interests thus being tough on peace.The second chapter dwells upon Barak and the peace process with the Palestinians. The chapter concentrates on Barak’s stance towards the Palestinian issue and the obstacles his governments has created for peace. The third chapter has to do with Barak and peace in Qods. In this section the position of different Israeli governments in particular the labour government and Barak in connection to the city of Qods are analyzsed. The next chapter deals with homeland and migration and residence polices of Barak. It stresses Barak’s role in the above settlement issues and shows clearly Barak’s hollow peace and security policies. Chapter five focuses on Barak and the peace process with Syria. The importance of Golan Heights and the positions Israeli politicians have taken regarding the Golan issue, and policies followed by the political parties towards the above problem are analyzed. Also, different or similar approaches of the Likud and labour parties concerning the Golan Heights are surveyed. The last chapter deals with Barak and the peace process in Lebanon which is omitted in translation due to Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon, and change of policy towards that country.
  • Abdol Fatah Mohammad Mazi, Translated By Asghar Eftekhari Page 103
    The author had analyzed the political, social climate in Israel and the main players of today in both politics and society in Israel in the two previous sections. In the third section, the author concentrates on religious groups and parties in Israel, and dwelles upon their influence on the political process and decision-making in the country. Mazi while stressing on the reality that Zionism is not solely politicalsecular approach , further analyzes the presence of religion from two perspectives. (1) First are the religious groups that in the framework of parties and institutions are active, and either support or not support political Zionism.(2) Second are non- party groups, but have their own political influence on supporting or criticizing Zionism. Categorization used by the author, and the parties and groups described, show how well-versed the author is regarding the subject under consideration. But above all it shows the political clout that religion has of course as a guided one in Israel.
  • Aaron L. Friedberg, Translated By Behzad Shahandeh Page 119
    The article while analyzing the differences between China and the United States like the Taiwan independence, focuses upon China’s impressive achievements in military technologies and China’s access to the U.S. technological informations. Relations between China and the U.S. during the cold war period, and cooperation between Beijing and Washington against the ex-Soviet Union have been analyzed in this article. In the concluding remarks and analysis, the author deals with the competition between China and the United States and reiterates that balanced approach in bilateral relations and distancing from hard approaches, and radicalism in mutual friendship could contribute to peace and tranqulity in the relations between Beijing and Washington. A moderate approach from extremism of all-out freindship or otherwise, must be pursued.
  • Daniel J. Elazar, Translated By Massood Aryaeenia Page 137
    The question of dealing with religion in the public sphere may not be Jewish in the same way that it is a modern or contemporary question because of the differences between Judaism, certainly in its calssical form, from christiantiy. Dealing with the issue in Israel requires an understanding of this and of the fact that Israelis and others have been misled for years in thinking that there are only two categories of Jews in the country, a secular majority and a religious minority, when in fact, in terms of actual belief and practice, the majority of the Israeli population is traditional and only minorities on either end of the spectrum are orthodox or secular. This makes the question of religion in the public sphere a pragmatic one that needs to be answered in light of Israeli reality as well as the different expectations of the various population groupings. With regard to the diaspora, the struggle today is between Israel and American Jewry, almost entirely excluding the rest of the diaspora in Europe and elsewhere whose position on the issue is more like that of Israeli Jews but who are slowly acquiring the problems of American Jews. Those pragmatic solutions will have to involve both Jewish law and contemporary Jewish experience which will need to be reconciled so as to enable Jews with differing intensely held positions to live together as parts of one people.
  • Nezar Al Ris Page 147
    Translated By Asrah Motehajed Askari Israelis had realized the importance of science and technology long before the foundation of the state of Israel, and set the basis for its flourishment. They founded many research centers and universities for the pursuit of the above goal. The present article will give exact statistics regarding the institutions, the number of students and employees in the Israeli scientific establishment. Israeli target is to reach post-industrial society and facilitate the scientific and technological needs of the country. This will according to the Israelis prepare the ground for full development. The Israeli state has used all its means to set the foundations for a scientific-technological society. In areas like nuclear energy, aeronautics, missiles, military hardwar, agriculture, electricity, and computer sciences, Israel has been making remarkable advences. The article has aimed at showing how serious and dedicated Israel is in providing facilities for the development of research.