پژوهشنامه علوم سیاسی
سال هشتم شماره 1 (پیاپی 29، زمستان 1391)

Applying constructivism framework, this article seeks to assess the position, nature (unilateral, multilateral and global) and goals of coercion diplomacy in the American foreign policy toward Islamic Republic of Iran, according to the kind of interaction between the two. What the paper claims is that the emergence or maintenance of coercion diplomacy depends on the kind of determining imaginations between the two. In this respect: 1. The role of the players in each decade in the symbolic social interaction process on balancing or increasing of the Hobbesian culture between the two countries and the quality of using the kind of the diplomacy was effective. 2. In the first decade of the Islamic Revolution in the light of determining perceptions of being a hostile country, American coercion diplomacy turned to be a multilateral one. 3. In the second decade, because of domestic developments, Iran tried to change its role from a counter-system to a responsible one. Despite of the American hegemonic coercion diplomacy, it was unilateral and ultimately done with its regional allies. 4. In the third decade American hegemonic attitudes alongside of intensified Iranian counter-system role led to Hobbesian culture and consequently American coercion diplomacy had a universal nature underpinned by the menace of the UNSC. Finally it should be considered that any effort from Iran to prevent American approach to be offensive and attempt to change American discourse by active participation in international system as a responsible player could frustrate the American coercion diplomacy.

We are looking for, in this research, understanding and explaining macro goals and political and economical interactions of the Russia to the West influencing its foreign policy behavior toward the I.R. of Iran's nuclear case. The principal question is: how the Russian foreign policy macro goals and the interests of relations to the West influence its foreign policy behavior toward the I.R. of Iran's nuclear case? The hypotheses: continuing the Soviet/Russia historical view to Iran for weakening this country from one part, and to prevent western influence in Iran from other part, have affected the macro goals of Russian foreign policy especially in some efforts to acquire the interest of profit-oriented cooperation and interaction and three interactive zones to the West including economy, energy pipe lines, weapons control and the Missile Defense Shield. These macro goals and transformations of the Arabic Middle East and Syria have affected Russian foreign policy behavior to "A Limited Multilateral Diplomacy" toward the I.R. of Iran's nuclear case. In this article, we have chosen the neorealist theory for studying and understanding some factors of the macro levels of influencing foreign policy behavior of the States. The explanatory and analytical methodology of this article based on collection and deduction of classified variables and explanation of the relations between them to access an appropriate analytical pattern utilizing the study of especial texts linked to present research subject.

Oman's borders with its Arab neighbors have been determined by Britain. This bordering, particularly in the Musandam peninsula, is one of the strangest borders in the world. These bordering is one of obstacles on the way of uniting Oman. A vast area called Buraimi vaheh has been the source of serious tensions among Oman, Emirates and Saudi Arabia due to its oil resources. Saudi Arabia has also claiming some parts of Oman territory such as internal Oman and Dhofar. Saudi Arabia has tried to secede these parts through supporting separatist groups in the region. The border of Oman and Yemen has been disputed due to Dhofar movement. Beside the role of Britain, the features of these borders such as its length (almost two thousand kilometers), being desert, mountainous and inappropriate geometric form has played a crucial role in its vulnerability.

All strategic positions and documents made public under Obama Administration indicate that the role of unconventional weapons has decreased in the U.S national security strategy. Meanwhile, singling out the I.R. of Iran, the U.S in its Nuclear Posture Review document (NPR) recognizes resort to nuclear weapons against Iran as a valid option. On the other hand, using different instruments including new approach to regional missile defense, expansive arms sale to Arabs, UNSCR 1929 and its requirements, etc, the U.S tries to balance and subsequently contain Iran's conventional power by regional players. So the U.S deterrence policy towards Iran includes both conventional and unconventional elements. This paper focuses on why this is the case, and initially addressing the position of conventional deterrence in U.S defense strategy, deals with the grand logic ruling this policy and finally applies it in the current confrontation between the United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Energy, especially gas, is one of the areas of multilateral cooperation and interaction of actors in International Political Economy (IPE). It has culminated in forming primary basis of Gas OPEC by now. Based on a hypothesis made of two Neoliberal Institutionalism and Game Theory in IPE, integration and disintegration will be examined among gas producers, especially Iran, Russia and Qatar. The major claim of the article is that, in spite of some impediments, cooperation among above-mentioned countries is a functional and structural necessity. In addition, due to the role of I. R. of Iran in creating primary basis of Gas OPEC, there is a direct relationship between the gas production capacity of Iran, as a main rival of Qatar and Russia, and weakness or strength of Gas OPEC in the future.

China's economic rapid growth in two past decades and its quick move toward becoming a great power have increased its impact on international issues. Redefinition of China's strategic position in recent years that is mainly Influenced by its economic growth and consequently its military and diplomatic power, has changed its foreign policy strategy in different areas. Thus one of the regions redefined in Chinese foreign policy is the Persian Gulf. Due to enjoying the richest energy resources of the world, this region and its countries have the highest capabilities in providing China with energy and satisfying its strategic needs. By understanding this issue, the Chinese have tried hard to upgrade their relations with oil exporting countries of the region, particularly the main countries so that they can increase their share of the region's resources. Besides China's delayed entrance into competitive market of the Persian Gulf (the Middle East generally) has compelled the country that looks for resources and countries outside the control of the West, particularly the US. Given its huge resources of oil and gas on the one hand and international restrictions (multilateral sanctions), Iran is a relatively reliant source for providing China with energy. Thus we can raise this question: Will China as an important emerging power at the international level come from margins to the center of the Persian Gulf? In other words, what will the position of China be in the energy economy of the Persian Gulf? This research is based on this hypothesis that given their pragmatist and realist approach, the Chinese have understood that energy security can be a vulnerable strategic point for this country. Thus because of China's weak military power, particularly its navy, and its growing need to importing energy and the fact that more than 70 percent of the energy resources are in the Middle East (Persian Gulf), we can say that China is in the process of transition from margins to the center of energy economy of the Middle East due to necessity, selection and importance of energy security. But because the US controls the oil of the Middle East and Japan and Europe compete with China, it will face a hard situation. Thus China has adopted a kind of defensive strategy towards the US and its allies, an interactive strategy towards Saudi Arabia and playoff diplomacy, preferably towards the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region. Using descriptive-analytical method, this research firstly deals with definition and description of some concept as energy geopolitics, energy security and their relationship with energy economy. Then by considering the situation of energy resources of the world and the Persian Gulf, we will deal with analyzing and explaining the position of China in the energy economy of the Persian Gulf, emphasizing the Islamic Republic of Iran.

This article tries to identify and introduce some of the main rules of foreign policy in oil exporting countries. It is a long time that scholars of oil and politics have argued that huge oil revenues in oil exporting countries have considerable effects on political and social life of these countries as we can claim there are a different set of rules in politics of oil rich countries in comparison with non-oil rich countries. This article studies foreign policy in the main oil exporting countries and uses agent-structure model for analyzing effects of oil rents. The article shows that as main agents of foreign policy in their countries, oil exporting governments are shaped by oil revenues on the one hand and behave in an oil-shaped special structure in international arena (world oil market) on the other. The article uses rentier state approach, analytical revisions in these arguments and theories of political economy of oil to show that oil shapes mentioned agent and structure in a particular manner. As a result, the relations between mentioned agent and structure are shaped by oil and in this way a special model of foreign policy is emerged that we can call it “petroleum foreign policy”. The article then identifies main rules of this kind of foreign policy.