پژوهشنامه علوم سیاسی
سال نهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 34، بهار 1393)

Politics is a science formed within the framework of belief principles and time circumstances. This fact guides us to accept that there is no unified understanding of political science in the outside world، and we witness the formation of different viewpoints and theories in this regard according to the schools and circumstances. The approach of this article is limited to the principles of Ja''fari School which is derived from Imam Ja''far Sadegh''s lifestyle. I have tried to answer the following question: What is the position of politics in Ja''fari School in theoretical، epistemological، methodological and applying aspects? In order to achieve this goal، I have tried to design and present a comprehensive theoretical framework dealing with analysis of politics at four levels of ontology، epistemology، teleology and methodology. The analysis of Imam Sadegh''s lifestyle indicates that: in Ja''fari School، politics is not the science of power، but the science of happiness. Thus we can claim that the Islamic pattern of politics can be considered as an alternative theory instead of secular political science.

In Iran، political thinking moved in several spheres in relation with political and social circumstances of each specific era and created distinct streams. In the Iranian academic researches، political thought is referred to the opinions of different thinkers who have expressed them about politics. Therefore it is necessary to answer this significant question: Which political concepts is political thinking referred to? Political philosophy، political thought، political theory، or ideology? In this article، we have tried to test this hypothesis that in Iran، political thinking has had an ideological aspect and acquired a pragmatic feature، so it has distanced from political thought in its academic definition. In this research، three main streams of political thinking in Iran have been examined including religious intellectualism، liberal tendencies and left tendencies in order to be recognized in terms of nature. The most important finding of this research is the lack of political knowledge production in the contemporary Iran and the ideological characteristics of political thinking.

Ferdowsi versified Shahnameh in order to revitalize Iranian identity and provide an alternative political order that preserved the lost Iranian glory. Thus the inner layer or focal point of Shahnameh which lies in its totality and comprehensiveness involves Ferdowsi''s political thought and explains his ideal form of government on the basis of Iranshahri royal elements. Politics in Ferdowsi''s thought relates to handling the worldliness but it has a divine basis. Its main concepts are as follows: Yazdan (almighty)، Farah-e-Izadi (divine charisma)، Kherad (reason)، and Dad (justice). The political agents who choose a policy and reinforce it، include Shahryar (prince)، Pahlevan (hero) and Mubed (clergy). On the basis of those concepts، these people seek to realize an ideal political order in Iranshahr. This order is formed through placing the almighty over the universe and giving the absolute power to the prince on the earth and giving divine charisma on him. But in order to govern according to reason and justice like the almighty، the prince should use the opinions of heroes and clergies. If he does this، his charisma will sustain and he will remain powerful، but if he does not، the charisma will vanish and he will be overthrown. According to Ferdowsi، the solution for Iranian''s identity crisis and their emancipation is to return to this political order

In a closed and stuffy environment that limited the channels of political dialogue in the public sphere، inauguration of the Center for Intellectual Nurturing of Children and Teenagers in January 1966، acted as a political opening for critical intellectuals، rather than a step towards upgrading Iranian children. When explicit expression and sociopolitical critique was not possible، implicit and metaphoric language of literature acted as a cover for those demands that were repressed and threatened in the clear political dialogue. There is no doubt that propounding political demands in a juvenile language indicated the ineffectiveness، weakness and decline of public sphere and the lack of political maturity and political dialogue in Iran. Anyway، the result of the weakness and decline of public sphere and regime''s increasing pressures was the politicization of literature and in this regard، the politicization of children''s literature. The politicization of children''s literature means instrumental usage of children''s literature for political goals; a literature supposed to be، from a normative and ethical point of view، the most innocent part of literary products، due to its particular audience. Thus the destiny of children''s literature in 1960s and 1970s was determined in another way. The Center for Intellectual Nurturing of Children and Teenagers became a circle for opposition intellectuals، particularly the left-wing ones. In such circumstances، some writers of children''s literature such as Samad Behrangi were known as «teacher of masses» and a political figure in the public sphere، not as a writer of children''s literature. In this article، we will try to cast light on Behrangi''s «Black Little Fish» and «24 Hours in Sleep and Wakefulness» in order to decode some of their political messages that he tried to transmit through his juvenile stories. In both of these juvenile stories، albeit differently in each of them، Behrangi tries to depict a black and miserable image of Iran، contrary to the modern، Western-oriented and capitalist image depicted by the Pahlavi Regime. Her tries to represent his socialist، egalitarian، revolutionary and radical ideas in these stories. In order to decode these messages، we have reread and interpreted these two stories by using semiological techniques such as: illustrating the narrative structure of the works، writers'' selections for particular style and titles and words، and polarizations of the texts. We will try to declare some of political significations and meanings tacit behind the words and sentences of these texts.

There are two major interpretations of Islam that represent two opposite ends of the spectrum. At the one end of the spectrum، there is a completely peaceful interpretation of Islam، and at the other end، a violent image is presented of Islam. On this basis، the non-peaceful interpretation of Islam، some groups carry out explosions and killings، restore to terror، or prescribe violence. Since each of these interpretations has profound consequences، it is of great importance to determine which one is correct. The peacefulness of Islam، which can be inferred from the analysis of Qur’anic verses and Prophet’s Sunnah، is presumed as evident in the present article. The main question of this article is whether Islam is a religion of peace and the Qur’an does allow Muslims to start any war or violence، whether the Prophet’s wars were merely fought in self-defense، and what are the roots of non-peaceful interpretations of Islam? From the author''s viewpoint، which will later be presented as a theory، these non-peaceful interpretations of Islam are rooted in the pre-Islamic jahiliyyah (ignorance)، which returned to the Islamic society after the death of the Prophet، and was institutionalized in Islamic culture and civilization in the framework of the Umayyads and Abbasids’ desire for power and superiority.

The dominant perception about intellectualism in Iran is that it is a barrowed phenomenon and resulted from a lack. This perception acts as an obstacle for paying attention to the internal circumstances of intellectualism. The authors claim that intellectual identity is understandable only by considering Iran''s pre-intellectual experience (ancient world) besides intellectual experience in the West. In the current researches، the emergence of Iranian intellectuals is analyzed under the effect of communications between Iran and the West، but this phenomenon would not be possible without happening some changes in the formation of ancient thinking. By analyzing theological debates among Sadraie، Sheikhie and Babie theological thought in the pre-intellectual era، this article will indicate that how these debates have culminated in emerging intellectual thinking as a new intellectual language. The analysis of theological debates in the pre-intellectual era indicate that sacred knowledge as an objective matter was vanishing، naturalistic perception of the universe and man was developing، the positive science replaced sacred knowledge، and the language of theology was secularized. These factors paved the way for emerging the phenomenon of intellectualism by creating a bed for non-theological thought.

Civilization-building requires production in the spheres of science، culture، politics، power، economy and wealth. The production of these is not possible without security and producing security is not possible without security knowledge. The establishment of Islamic civilization and its glorious flourishing verifies the knowledge backgrounds، including security knowledge. Now the basic question is: What are the research traditions of Muslim thinkers and scientists in the realm of security? This article reviews these study traditions and focuses on the Fiqh studies tradition on security in the Islamic sciences. Some of the characteristics of this study tradition discussed in this article are as follows: relative comprehensiveness regarding the spheres، levels، topics and realms of security; relative comprehensiveness regarding soft and hard threats and security; relative comprehensiveness regarding the agents of security and threat. The advantages of this tradition include its prevalence in the Islamic societies، consequently its effectiveness particularly from the viewpoint of following religious leaders'' commands in terms of governmental verdict، Fatwa and comprehensiveness towards all behaviors. In terms of knowledge، the security fiqh also enjoys features as being methodic، systematic، goal-oriented، operational، objective and consequently paying attention to the manifestations and parameters of threat and security.

The present study aims at representing the elements of identity conflicts in the Persian banknotes in the first Pahlavi and the Islamic Republic eras by using content analysis and Peirce''s semiotics. Our findings show that the sign system of banknote indicates a cultural change based on modern patterns، but at the same time، Pahlavi discourse has tried to represent ancient patterns (especially patterns of the Achaemenids). Synchronization of these two patterns seems to be somehow paradoxical. But in the Islamic Republic era، national identity represented by the religious symbolism in its non-historical form. In the final analysis، the results also show that in both of these historical eras، there was an identity conflict going on، so that political systems، in every period، tried to eliminate and banish some of the national elements.