پژوهشنامه علوم سیاسی
سال نهم شماره 3 (پیاپی 35، تابستان 1393)

The main goal of this article is to examine the preconditions of providing a sort of consensus-native pre-theory of international relations with a Middle Eastern viewpoint. Given the existence of theoretical elements in the Middle East، is it possible to provide a non-Western and non-deterministic theory with a Middle Eastern reading? This approach requires borrowing from critical theories of international relations and psychological constructivism in order to complete these elements. Obviously، consensus among Iranian، Turk and Arab scholars of international relations over a united ontology، epistemology and methodology for studying international relations will pave the way for this theoretical alternative. In other words، the academic realms of international relations، particularly in Arab countries are strongly affected by realism and neo-realism. They consider their societies’ domestic developments as a function of political interactions of great powers and the material distribution of international system. The main aims of this article include: the pathology of this approach، promoting cooperation regarding alternative theoretical patterns for studying international interactions، and knowledge of international relations relying on the theoretical consensus of the Middle Eastern international relations.

According to the present evidence، Iran’s nuclear conflict has always continued and expanded. It seems that the main theories of international relations are able to provide a relatively precise explanation about the concept of “conflict”، particularly Iran’ nuclear conflict. In this article، the authors have tried to illustrate that the US and the West focus on neo-realist approach a general and eternal orientation in international conflicts، including Iran nuclear conflict. While in it nuclear conflict with the West particularly with the US، the Islamic Republic of Iran has tried to use tactically neoliberal components and claims for formation of its negotiation. Of course، this claim does not mean that the Islamic Republic of Iran is following liberal and neoliberal theories in its foreign policy. This article tries to explain the difference between neo-realism and neo-liberalism in international conflicts، and examine the US and West’s approaches on the one hand and Iran’s ones on the other.

As a type of attack in which the attacker uses self-destruction in order to kill other people، the suicide attack has caused a widespread insecurity and killing thousands in Iraq since 2003. There are three political discourses in Iraqi political scene، including Democratic Political Islam، Salafi Islamism and Secularism (liberal democracy)، competing for hegemony and try to marginalize each other through their interpretations for the signifier “suicide attack.” This trend has created contradictory signifiers and meanings i. e. Salafis sanctify it as a sacred action and name it Istishhadi operation; it is a contingent signifier in democratic political Islam discourse that may be an “inhuman initiative” or “martyrdom” while secularists condemn it as “terrorist” inhuman action. This article relates the expansion of suicide attack operation to Salafis'' ability in predominating the sense of deprivation and rationalizing suicide attack for their audiences. If Salafi Islamist''s rivals، particularly Democratic Political Islam overlook to invalidate Salafist signifier of suicide attack، not only it will jeopardize Iraq security but also endanger local and international security and prevents sustainable security in Iraq''s neighbors including Iran. With special reference to Laclau and Mouffe approach، this article considers analyzing political currents subject to discursive antagonism and according to temporal and local conditions.

One of prominent phenomena of post-Cold War era is China’s economic development and the beginning of turning its economic power to the political power and influence in the changing، fluid and transient international system. China as the representative of emerging powers and the US as the representative of traditional powers are regarded as the symbol of two competing contending processes in the 21st century world politics. Their relation has become the most important statements of international politics. Given the significant relation between the US-China ties and power shift in the international relations، understanding the nature and components affecting their relations may be useful in understanding the features and prospects of international system. There is no doubt that the significance of the US-China relations، particularly the special role of the two states in transient international system and its consequences on power redistribution، the role and position of world economic and political actor constitutes the main question of current international debates. By raising the question how China-US relations affect the transient international system، this article seeks to analyze and evaluate the impacts of these relations on international system. According to the findings، China and the US had previously adopted a kind of “cooperation accompanied by competition” policy. In the second decade of present century and transient era of international system، this policy is becoming “competition accompanied by cooperation”.

A new era started as the result of the collapse of the Soviet Union. The US claimed the leadership of hegemonic uni-polar international system. The supremacy has faced new challenges that have undermined the role of the US in global developments. A new order is being formed in which emerging powers play a key role، thus many thinkers talk about a multi-polar system. The question raised here is: How do the emerging powers of BRICS (Brazil، Russia، India، China and South Africa) seek to confront the US supremacy and upgrade their position in the structure of international system? We suppose that the BRICS countries try to confront the US supremacy and upgrade their position in international system through adopting the strategy of soft balance. Given their population and growing economic power، the BRICS countries are the main emerging powers of international system that understand the undesirable consequences of hard balance and direct confrontation to the US supremacy، so they use the strategy of soft balance in order to confront uni-polar system and increase their influence in world equations. Therefore by using descriptive method، we examine the formation of BRICS and the instruments by which these countries try to acquire a soft balance versus the US.

As one of new instruments in foreign policy، the economic diplomacy has been propounded as the result of economic globalization. In its evolution process، economic globalization enjoys an internal logic which needs to be understood because ignoring them may cause that economic diplomacy cannot secure its appropriate position. Economic diplomacy emerges when there is an initial coordination between rationales of economic globalization and the formations dominated on foreign policy. In this article، I will deal with this question: What was the position of economic globalization in the foreign policy of the Construction Era? The hypothesis is that in spite of prioritizing economic development in this era، economic diplomacy was considered in a reaction way due to the priority of domestic scene on the international scene and continuation of political issues on economy.

Social and political movements are categorized under social changes. At the same time، in the contemporary Eastern and Islamic societies، these movements are considered as a kind of reaction towards transition process from traditional societies to new ones. Every Islamic movement with emancipator and anti-colonial orientation has adopted strategy and tactic on the basis of two components i. e. “structure” including systemic factors، s+ociopolitical pressures، identity crises، and “agent” including leadership and ideology. These strategies and tactics have been either revolutionary or reformist. On this basis، some of them have tried to adapt themselves to their environment and some others have chosen to adopt a reaction strategy in order to confront with critical conditions. As one of Islamic movements emerging in the critical conditions of Lebanon، Hezbollah has tried to use two reaction and adaptation strategies towards Lebanon’s historical developments in the framework of radical and realist approaches. Anyway، Hezbollah’s stances regarding Lebanon’s problems in relation to the governments of this country have taken place within the framework of radical or reaction pattern and realist or adaptive one. On this basis، Hezbollah has not adopted a unified sstrategy towards the governments of Lebanon but it has taken stances according to Lebanon’s political and historical needs which are affected by domestic and international conditions. In all eras، Hezbollah has adopted an approach accompanied by interaction and confrontation within the framework of radical and realist patterns. Therefore this article seeks to examine the political and historical relations between Hezbollah and Lebanon governments in a descriptive and analytical way by using Herier Dekmegian’s crisis theory.

After the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991 and inevitable independence of the Central Asian republics، the regional states faced many political-security challenges. One of the most significant challenges has been the growth and expansion of Islamic fundamentalism in the region. Particularly after 9/11، the issue has got a considerable importance. In this regard، different views and analyses have been provided by emphasizing domestic and foreign factors. Meanwhile the role of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its policy has been raised as one of main factors in the growth and expansion of Islamic fundamentalism in the region. The main question of this article is: What is the nature of Iran’s role in spreading Islamic fundamentalism? The authors examine the role if Iran in the growth and spread of Islamic fundamentalism by using a descriptive-analytical method.