پژوهشنامه علوم سیاسی
سال دهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 38، بهار 1394)

One of goals of deconstruction is to overthrow and create suspicion in the basic concepts of political ideologies because it is presumed that there are constructed meanings at the foundation of political ideologies which we presumed to be stabilized them because of linguistic، systemic and historical factors. As one of this deconstructionists، Paul de Man has focused on literary language in order to float the hidden meanings in political ideologies and respond to the question that why they are acceptable. He regards the features of literary language as a strong reason for discrediting the motives and concepts of political ideologies. Given this assumption، this article tries to respond this question: What trends in linguistic sphere have made political ideologies acceptable for their audiences and how does poststructuralist critique make it justified to discredit this trend? The author tries to deal with the stages of this trend in Paul de Man''s thought، meanwhile examine Fredric Jameson''s views as the critic of de Man''s theory.

The demand for nativizing political science in Iran has a long precedence، almost three decades، however it has been placed in higher education authorities'' agenda during two or three years under the political system''s will for radical change in humanities. It seems that due to some similarities between Iranian and Chinese revolutions، examination of China''s experience regarding political science can reveal the possibility of nativizing this academic field in Iran. The Chinese contemporary political science indicates that this science grows and develops within the world political science''s frameworks and paradigms and at the same time، it has managed to gain an appropriate validity in the political science community as an independent academic field by using scientific methods، orientations and principles. The most significant feature of Chinese political science regarding nativization is its relevance with Chinese government and society. From this viewpoint، the existing issues of Chinese politics are examined and analyzed by convenient scientific methods. It seems that given the experience of China regarding political science and its lessons for Iranian political science، nativization means the application of methods، patterns and theories of political science in related issues of the examined society. Thus radical change in this academic field is non-scientific، unpractical and impossible.

Contemporary religious revitalization not only has revealed that in the present circumstances، whether good or not، religion has gained a new position in the domestic and international politics all over the world but also it has challenged secularization theory and has attracted sociologists and social thinkers. By raising the concept of post-secularism، Jurgen Habermas tries to discuss religion and its role in the political and public sphere of present liberal democratic societies and reach an understanding that how religious people can participate completely in the liberal democratic politics of modern pluralist societies. This article tries to discuss his ideas about the role of religion in the public sphere and the differences between Habermas and liberal thinkers، particularly John Rawls.

What relationship can be established between Shiite rationality and communicative rationality that ensures historical dynamism of Shiite rationality in the condition of modern rationality dominance on the present world، on the one hand، and such rationality interacts with other non-religious historical rationalities by preserving its independence، on the other? Specifically the main concern of this research is to discuss the political consequences of coordination between Shiite rationality and communicative rationality. Through several sections by propounding a series of inter-religious and intra-religious argumentations، I will deal with proving my hypothesis based upon adequate concepts within the framework of Shiite rationality (emphasizing Shiite fiqh and kalam). In this context، I will present an explanation about communicative rationality at epistemological، anthropological and sociological levels. At the next stage، I will introduce Shiite rationality. Then I will discuss the rational concepts in the Shiite tradition، emphasizing kalam and fiqh. The final section will be allocated to theoretical and practical conclusions.

In the Islamic political thought، one of the basic problems that have attracted thinkers'' attention، particularly from the Constitution Era on، is the confrontation between Islamic-Iranian tradition and Western modernity and its achievements. This confrontation in the Constitution era Iranian society has witnessed three kinds of treatments: first، negation of the Constitutionalism achievements; second، inclination towards melting in the Western discourse and constitutionalism; and the third way tries to combine constitution achievements and local values. Mohammad Esmaiil Mahalati is one of the thinkers going in the third way and by Islamic reinterpretation of Constitution movement tries to combat the Western colonialism and exploitation. By using the approach of internal logic and Skinner''s text-author method، this article tries to explain Mahalati''s responses to colonialism problem. For emancipating from colonialism، Mahalati provides two responses: The first response is that one could combat colonialism through making state apparatuses coherent and removing authoritarianism from political system. The second response is that Iran could preserve its religious values meanwhile learn lessons from the Western culture positive achievements، and it can depict its freedom and civilization comparing to other cultures. We should note that this article does not seek to attribute cultural pluralism to Mahalti''s thought but it aims to show that Mahalti''s approach towards combating colonialism manifests a pattern in multicultural approaches that regards national independent life simultaneously globally and locally.

As one of the most famous contemporary liberal philosophers and an outstanding thinker of political philosophy، John Rawls''s thought have been more disputable and controversial compared to other contemporary philosophers. Usually Rawls''s name has been blended with his theory of justice and adding justice to the liberal thought، thus other aspects of his thought have been neglected. This is while presents a new version of liberalism and he can be regarded as the re-constructor of liberalism. This article tries to present a reading of Rawlsian liberalism based on two concept of happiness and liberty and the features of his political liberalism. It should be mentioned that this issue will help in both better understanding and better criticizing liberal theories.

By a problem-based view to Morteza Motahari''s writings regarding political knowledge، this article deals with the question that how far and in what contexts the writer''s resources could be useful for providing political science syllabuses. The data were collected by using content analyses of titles and contents of his books and the data were organized in two categories: Motahari''s view of government and state and Motahari''s view of political power. The findings indicate that Motahari neither claimed that he had extracted the knowledge of politics speaking about value-free motives (such as political economy، political sociology and so on) nor stated his views about all value-oriented issues related to this knowledge. At the same time، the findings indicate that most of Motahari''s political writings have been about political system and the related problems without ignoring other issues completely. Also his connections with the intellectual movement have culminated in creating his moderate understanding about political approaches related to religion.