نشریه مطالعات تاریخی
پیاپی 59 (زمستان 1396)

During Pahlavids' period, there were many anti-structuralist happenings generally conducted by the government. The main characteristic of these attempts was Modern Ancient propagation. In this approach ancient propagation and modernity were both passing a way that aimed to gradual omitting of religious and local traditions and alternating them with a model incompatible with Iranian cultural environment. In other words, this dynasty expanded a cultural background that brought about the other political and cultural policies and generally all the policymakings during the reign of this father and son. This paper is to present a cultural description and interpretation on the Pahlavids' policies.

Bahaii Organization like other political parties and organization has an official organ in order to publish propaganda for its ideology and creating organizational unity. Previously, Bahaii Organization had used several journals in different levels and criteria including the age of readers. Some examples are: Ahang-e Badi’ (the new song) which was mostly for the educated people, or Varaqa (a page) which was mostly to Bahaii kids and teens. All these journals were official and published under the policies and supervision of the Organization administration in Beyt-ul-Adl. But Akhbar- e Amri is the most important one among all of them. This journal is the official organ of Bahaism that news and verdicts are particularly published through it and delivered to all the organization members and its written material are the official documents of organization. In this paper which the first writing about Akhbar-e Amri journal, the author briefly examines the history of this journal and some details related to it during the Pahlavids. This article is generally based on this journals archive from 1948 until the Islamic Revolution and some of its issued in 1926 and 1938. SAVAK documents are also used in this research.

In this paper, using analytical-descriptive methodology and based on undeniable historical documents, 1971 Memorandum of understanding about Abu Mousa, Great Tunb and Lesser Tunb islands and the trend of imposing it on Iran by Britain is discussed. The author has answered the following four main historical questions based on above mentioned documents. Did the threat against the British interest in the strategic region of Persian Gulf had any direct effect on designing the scenario to divide some Iranian islands, particularly these three? Considering some published undeniable documents by the British and also old Iranian Foreign Ministry documents, is it advisable that 1971 Memorandum of understanding has been imposed on Iran by the British? Did the Iranian foreign ministry use all its diplomatic and documentary capabilities to immune comprehensively its national interest related to the three islands? Is there any need for a fundamental correction in Islamic Republic of Iran's strategies to defend Iranian undoubted rights and national interests regarding the three islands? In order to answer these four questions, firstly looking analytically on some accessible documents, it is hypothesized that deep competition between European and Russian forces to have access to Persian Gulf region has resulted in the British attempts to separate Iranian islands in Persian Gulf, including Khark, Qeshm, Hengam, Siri, Larak, Lavan, Farour, Tunbs, and Abu Mousa in order to achieve its colonial goals and the most important one among them was claiming that these islands belong to their dependent Sheiks in UAE.

In this article the arm deals and military relations of Iran during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi with USA, UK, France and USSR are discussed. Based on accessible documents about the arms deals of the Shah's regime, the author has tried to analyze and study the goals and outcomes of these unilateral contracts of the Shah with USA, UK, France and USSR. Because arms are among the most critical defensive affairs of any country. Production, equipping, providing and using arms are the important and traditional problems related to national defense power. In this regard, the author presents a key question: was the main goal of the Shah for this much of arms deals preserving the security and stabilizing the Iranian national authority? Then he tries to show that at least there have been three other goals. First, surviving the Shah's monarchy via equipping the army and the police to suppress the domestic opposition; second, the dictated policies by great powers particularly USA in order to play the regional role of Iran as the regional US gendarme in Persian Gulf; and the third, creating demands for buying arms from the US and other countries' weapon producing companies which some were at the brink of bankruptcy. Finally it was also to provide large amount of profit for Pahlavi family and their relatives including General Toufanian via receiving brokerages from the great weapon producing companies in the countries that would sell arms to Iran.

This article is to study the role rural people in the victory of Islamic Revolution of Iran. Unfortunately, there is no serious and deep study on the role of rural people in the Islamic Revolution process. The rural community reaction in the process of Islamic revolution considering all its characteristics, and environmental, social, cultural and political structures is not known. There have been limited studies around the role of rural community in the important Islamic Revolution in 1979 that are mostly focused on general political and historical viewpoints from rural community in the process of Islamic Revolution and mostly in monographic and limited form. In this article the author has tried to show the studies made by Eric Hoogland, Ono Morio, Khosrow Khosrawi, Ervand Abrahamian, Ahmad Ashraf, Baqer Mo'meni, McDaniel, Farhad Kazemi, Ann Lambton, Alen Bill, and … are focused on particular angles of political and revolutionary characteristics and action-reactions of rural people toward revolutions, however their viewpoints about Islamic Revolution have not been so much exact because of their lack of accessibility to sufficient documentations. Because in these studies it is emphasized that rural community have had a form of reactionary and conservative point of view and little impact in 1979 Islamic Revolution and it is claimed that Iranian farmers have not been revolutionary. However, the findings of the author's research shows that there is more or less no doubt about rural people's role in the trend of Islamic Revolution but this role did not have the same scale and size all around the country. In some regions there has been overall presence in the village itself and in some regions the rural people would go to the towns and cities and join the people there in street rallies. And in some villages there have been no sensible activity for different reasons. Since emotional aspect of rural behavior usually overcomes on the other ones, it is not easy for them to be permanently engaged in a turmoil. The farmers usually act so slow in transferring from the level of surrendering to unjustified matters to the level of having political participation to get their rights. Consequently, farmers are usually neutral observers in most of the social developments or only watch the political struggles and wait for a messiah. However, in some cases, including the last two final years reaching to the Islamic Revolution victory, they followed the movements in the towns and cities and joined the revolutionary anti-Shah moves.