نشریه پژوهش سیاست نظری
پیاپی 17 (بهار و تابستان 1394)

The concept of "human communality" is the most neglected notion in the contemporary individualistic world. Interpreting some concepts of Heidegger's thought such as 'Being-with', 'community' and 'ekstasis', this essay intends to show that "communality" is one of the main structures of man regarded as Dasein. Although we confess that each of us has a singular and unique existence, this fact cannot be disregarded that "language" determines the totality of mankind. The fluid process of "communality" is "giving something a name". Giving names to the things by language is the action that puts together things in a world. The symmetry of this action also happens in politics as "communality"; in politics, people are located beside each other. But the concept of the political issue in the West suppresses the singularities and others and imposes the subjectivistic structures on western man. Therefore, the occident is unable to think about "communality".

Islamic revolution realized in Iran under the leadership of a religious leader. Although the leader was in exile but he had strong connections with his followers despite his deprivation of communication means. This issue in this paper is the basis of reviewing the relationship between language and politics; so the paper tries to explain pragmatic and strategic aspects of language in Imam Khomeini's leadership in the process of Islamic revolution. In the field of study of relationship between language and politics, there are two general approaches: politics as theory and knowledge and politics as power and the realm of collective action to sustain or to change the current situation. This paper, by focusing on the second approach and by using the theories of language competence and language pragmatics in the realm of media and in mobilization of mass, will try to examine influential functions and pragmatic aspects of language in Imam Khomeini's thoughts. The findings indicate that Imam Khomeini as a scholar in mystics, ethics and jurisprudence and by his own classification of Islamic sciences introduced the pragmatism as the core of those sciences and used the language along political and revolutionary actions. Mobilizing the mass, criticizing and opposing the current situation and inviting the people to realize the Islamic state are among Imam Khomeini's pragmatic aspects of leadership.

This article studies the basics of forming powerful government and the relationship between people with government in Ghazali and Hobbes thought. Special view of both of the thinkers to nature of human is intellectual foundation of forming authoritative government. According to the four human traits, Ghazali tries to educate the divine human that acts passively under divine governance. Since religion and politics don’t separate from each other in Ghazali’s view, so in government, divinity of these traits joins to politics and powerful government. But Hobbes believed that human have power demand and warrior nature in addition, in primary and natural human condition, the war has been going on against each other. And human try to rescue themselves according to their wisdom. So, they established an authoritative government with their foresight. Therefore, the subject of both of them is largely same, but their processing is different. It means that both of these intellectuals lived in restless period, and the necessity of security causes them to resort to authoritative government. On the other hand, both of these intellectuals assign passive roles for people; however, Ghazali’s argumentation method is canonical and Hobbes’s method is rational. Moreover it seems that the rational theory of Hobbes – accepting the possibility of insurgence-paves the way for going beyond the authoritative government, although the canonical theory of Hobbes leads to one type of reproduction of authoritative government.

Any school of thought throughout its history undergoes many changes and fluctuations. The complexity of the recent modern capitalist societies made the new Marxists to revive the opponents’ position of capitalist system. Laclau and Mouffe are among post- Marxists who are engaged in this attempt. Their criticism of the classical Marxism is due to its dogmatic features and its one-sided and biased analyses. By proposing the concepts of discourse, articulation, mobile identities, hegemony and discursive gaps and conflicts, Laclau and Mouffe try to compensate for the one-sidedness of Classical Marxism which summarizes in economic determinism, class identities, class struggles, and social class gap. These changes are made to increase the effectiveness of Marxism in their analysis of recent modern and complex capitalist societies. The aim of this article is to survey the process of change of Classical Marxist thoughts to Laclau and Mouffe’s post-Marxism. Firstly, there will be a discussion about decentralization of the society following the Post-Marxist perspective, which substitutes the economic determinism in the formation of social order, and secondly, the study points to the idea of antagonism which is a shared concept in both Marxism and Post- Marxism views. The Classical Marxism viewed politics as the class conflict which is lost in the ultimate Communism of class conflict that resulted in a classless society. However, Laclau and Mouffe’s postmarxism points to the endless political conflict and considers it as an everlasting element of the society, and it deems the radical democratic policy as an element that preserves such a conflict.

Undoubtedly, political thoughts bears frameworks and basis without which one can`t recognize correct knowledge of them. In this regard, Imam Khomeini`s thoughts are not exception. Thus researcher in this paper attempts to investigate its effects on Imam Khomeini’s political thought which are manifested in Velayat Faqih thought. As a thesis it seems that Imam Khomeini, based on Spiritual-Gnostic insight inspired from Mollasadra thoughts, considers politics beneath the religious principles and he attempts to define piety and it`s requirements that which covers politics as a part of his duties. Practical result of such combination is devoting practical politics field and statesmanship to Juris consults and theologians as Velayat Faghih form. In his insight, Islamic governor shall obey justice as much as possible since it`s requirement for governance and guardianship and despotism makes us fall from it. Thus focusing on governor’s responsibility before public, he denies dictatorship and autocracy. In this research, we utilized note taking and library study to gather data and epistemological methodology and thought interpretation based on rational structures and requirements as a part of intellectual approach as a research method.

His background of executive activity as a statesman caused Seyyed Hossein Nasr’s thought to be linked with secularism. Examining his background in this context is not separate from his basis of thought rooted in his traditionalist procedures. Valid connection between spiritual authority and temporal power that is one of elements of Traditionalist thoughts, backing Nasr's thought on religious governing. According to religious doctrines that are in contrast with western thoughts, Nasr believes that religion, especially Islam, cannot be separated from the governing realm. This article tries to study Nasr’s theoretical reasons against secularism, i.e. separation of religion and government. Also it shows that how Nasr explains this subject causes someone thinks that there are rooms for influence of secularism in his thought and oppose with him.

Apartheid means separation and segregation and separate development of geographically diverse ethnic groups. In light of the passage of liberal and Marxist theories of discourse analysis, this article reviews the nature of apartheid policies in the occupied territories since 1948. The article attempts to answer the question that what was the articulation and Israeli Apartheid discourse formation process? The research hypothesis is that Apartheid discourse in the time of articulation, exploited from identity making and equivalence by relying on Judaism to use as an instrument for achieving its political benefits. The dialogue seeks to create a new meaning system through the bond of various identities in a common project. Based on this, social order is comprised of different scattered elements. These different and sparse elements consist of the external elements and forces are immigrants who settled in Palestine. In fact, Zionism, integrated floating identities and deserted Jewish elements to create identity and meaning system in the Occupied Territories through power mechanisms for legitimizing and abrading. This article is in two parts, the first part is due to the emergence of ethnic groups and geographic expansion and In the second part Israeli society by addressing a public space and assess the gaps and crises, stagnation, discourse hegemony and the emergence of competing discourses of Post Zionism is checked.