فصلنامه مطالعات انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 13 (تابستان 1387)

The writer of the present article is investigating Reza Khan’s economic activities, holding that while these activities were seemingly economic, they were in effect some political measures for the interests of the colonialist government of Britain. It would be possible to prove this claim and reject those optimistic views on Reza Khan’s proceedings through presenting some reasons, such as considering the political and social conditions of the country, considering the motivations and interests of the British government, and considering her first step – i.e. expansion of military and disciplinary centers. The writer tries to show that Reza Khan’s economic activities resulted in the country’s dependence in economy and centralization of economic sections in government, and prepared the ground for subordination of political and economic sections.

Iran's concession of UN's resolution no. 598 was regarded as a sign of waver in the beliefs of the political leaders of the regime and a retreat in the causes of the Islamic Revolution. This claim was repeatedly announced in various tribunes. Publication of Imam's letter to Gorbachev just 5 months after Iran's concession of resolution no. 598 radically changed the political atmosphere in and out of the country. Due to the status of Islamic Revolution and that of Imam Khomeini among Muslims all over the world on the one hand, and the evolutions initiated by Gorbachev in the former Soviet Union on the other hand, the letter and its content attracted the public attention, especially that of the authorities in international relations. The present article, while reflecting the conditions under which the letter was issued and dealing with the probable reasons for writing such a letter as well as indicating its content, is an attempt to infer some principles of Imam's political practice in encountering such a situation.

Throughout the modern history of Iran, centralism and decentralization, like development and underdevelopment, have experienced many vicissitudes. During this very period, we were sometimes approaching development and sometimes distancing ourselves from it. In the modern history of Iran, we have experienced centralism more and decentralization less, but we have paid a more serious attention to the relationship between centralism and political underdevelopment, decentralization and political development. Accordingly, the effect of centralism and decentralization on the realization of development and political underdevelopment has not been discovered. Now, one question arises: what is the meaningful relationship between centralism and decentralization on the one hand, and political development and political underdevelopment on the other hand?

The present article aims at analyzing the evolutions after the Islamic republic. To do so, these events have been classified into five distinctive periods: (1) establishment of the IRI regime; (2) the holy defense period; (3) the construction period; (4) the political development period; (5) the revival of justice and Islamic values. We have briefly studied the important evolutions of Iran in the first decade; then we have reviewed and evaluated the evolutions during the period of economic reformations and developments. Finally, the conclusions have been presented.

The present article is seeking to explain the image of Islamic government in Imam Ali's view in Nahj al-Balagha. Accordingly, as an introduction, it deals with the necessity of government for humanity; it also discusses the method of Wilaie (authoritative) government, and then, mentions its two basic points of difference from other forms of government; it states that the Wilaie form of government is rooted in the divine absolute authority. This form of government is distinct from other forms in making it necessary for the ruler to be appointed by God. Another difference is related to the goal of the religious or Wilaie government which is to guide people to ultimate perfection and everlasting felicity or nearness to God, while the basic goal in other forms of government is based on material privileges. It is in view of this sublime goal that Nahj al-Balagha has viewed government both positively and negatively, making a distinction between desirable and undesirable forms of government. In the present article, by adducing Imam Ali's words in this regard, the image of Wilaie government, which is the desirable form of government, has been depicted; at the end, the relationship of religion and government – as far as basic articles of faith as well as legal and derivative principles of religion are concerned – has been explained.

Expediency and obligation are among the most essential pillars and bases of Imam Khomeini’s political thought both in theoretical domain and in his practical way of life. Explaining the notions of expediency and obligation and their relationship as well as discerning the instances of expediency are especially effective in understanding Imam’s political thought and interpreting his practical way of life during long years of his [political] strife. In the present article, the notion of expediency in Imam’s view and the distinction between it and the pragmatist expediency, the notion of obligation and Imam’s innovation in dividing obligations into two categories of “legal” and “personal”, as well as their theoretical bases and their practical implications have been revealed. Finally, the mechanism for discerning expediency has been mentioned. The present article is a response to those who regard Imam’s expediency as the conventionalization of his thoughts, which is, in effect, a kind of ignoring Imam’s principles and the concept of expediency in his thought.

Political thoughts are part of human affairs whose analysis is possible in terms of the principles of conventional understanding. Therefore, to analyze the contemporary political thoughts, it is necessary to continuously scrutinize the principles of conventional understanding, which begins with studying conceptions. The thoughts running in the atmosphere of Islamic revolution emerge on the basis of these principles of conventional understanding. The methodological study of thoughts has a lot of dimensions. The present paper is seeking to answer the following questions: 1. What rules can be identified as the rules of conventional understanding, as a channel of communication between a thinker and his audience?2. Which conceptual principles should be regarded as the major elements of intellectual interaction between thinkers and their audiences in the process of understanding and analyzing the contents of thoughts? As far as the study of concepts is concerned, the present article has a special view on the central core of meaning, considering it as the axis of interaction with concepts. Furthermore, it interprets the presence of concepts in the play of meanings and the acceptance of their expansion or narrowness in this context. On the other hand, it regards the quality of semantic transmission as dependent on the semantic context; it also attaches a central role to the level of self-consciousness of the political actors and political thinkers in their interaction with concepts