فصلنامه مطالعات انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 36 (بهار 1393)

With respect to the literature of the field of culture and relations and examining the role and position of the capacities of traditional relations in social history of Iran in justice seeking movements and sociopolitical movement of Islamic revolution of Iran, this article tries to depict a clear image of the influence and the practical role of traditional media in social arenas. Taking into consideration the role and influence of ulema [Muslim clerics], mosques, minbars, bazaar, mourning processions, gatherings and traditional collective movements in Iran's religious society, graffiti and other cultural and communicative capacities, we can grasp the importance and necessity to review and redefine the concept of traditional relations in the literature of the field of Islamic culture and relations and realize that traditional relations, as the deepest and simplest type of relation, has played an unparalleled role in oral culture of Islamic Iran and sociopolitical developments leading to the Islamic revolution of Iran.

Islamic revolution of Iran, as the last revolution in 20th century and a unique revolution in terms of historical roots, theoretical and philosophical origin as well as scope and depth of influence, four decades after its victory, has sparked scientific and philosophic contemplation as well as extensive researches. The results of these contemplations and researches gradually formed what is today known as "Islamic revolution studies". Although some of discussions of this field of knowledge are intellectual studies pertaining to this field itself, no discussion has been made about "the philosophy of Islamic revolution studies" yet. This article explains the necessity to study "the philosophy of Islamic revolution studies" and clarifies its establishment as an intellectual-historical science. The article also offers definition, objectives, scope, method and some of important issues of this field as a second degree science and as a subcategory of philosophy pertaining to discussions about Islamic revolution.

This article studies whether the Islamic world's geopolitics has enough capacity and capability to compete in the power game and world leadership. The results of this article indicate that Islamic world's geopolitics with a lot of economic, military, strategic and ideological capacities is capable enough to compete with great powers in the track to achieve world leadership; on the condition that the ground for convergence and overlapping of the resources of Islamic countries is prepared through international organizations and challenges and barriers are removed. As an important country in the world of Islam, Islamic republic of Iran can use its material and spiritual geopolitical potentials to play an unparalleled role in this respect.

Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979, from Imam Khomeini's point of view, was a anthropological and sociological transformation as well as an instance of Islamic awakening against arrogance and dependence. The possibility of this type of transformation in Islamic societies and the world of the oppressed is the subject of research. Now the question is: what is the mechanism and what are the strategies for the exportation of revolution and Islamic awakening from Imam Khomeini's point of view? What are its barriers and threats? Findings of the article based on a study of Imam Khomeini's works indicate that strategies for the exportation of the Islamic revolution considering the cultural image and government as a role model are the most important mechanisms and three positive anthropological, sociological and media transformations are its most important strategies. The opposites of these three positive transformations will be barriers and based on the rules for the elements creating a phenomenon, will be the sustaining elements. They will fade away if their sustaining elements fade away. Islamic movements in Islamic countries and freedom seeking movements among oppressed nations are signs indicating that Islamic revolution has been exported and region and the world have woke up.

Since the victory of Islamic revolution of Iran, religion-oriented identity of Islamic revolution has been the central identity of Iranian society; however, religious identity of Islamic revolution has faced some challenges. This article is mainly concerned with these challenges, has studies and explained them and has tried to offer some solutions to strengthen the religion-oriented identity of Islamic revolution. Findings of this article indicate that challenges for the religion-oriented identity of Islamic revolution of Iran can be studied and analyzed based on three main challenges as follow: 1-Secular identity under the influence of modernity and western liberal democratic values; 2-Ancient-Royalistic identity with pre-Islamic extreme patriotic aspirations; 3-identity taken from ethnic nationalism and misguided sectarianism. West's animosity against religion-oriented identity of Islamic revolution has also added to these challenges. In line with this issue, this article has offered some solutions to tackle these challenges through institutionalizing justice among different strata of the society as well as transformation of foundations and resources of humanities corresponding to fundamental values of Iranian society.

Current developments in western Asia suggest three new identity models have started to form and compete. Main inquiry of this article is to know what relation is there between these models. Hypothesis of the article proposes that through reproduction of the identity in an evolving process, each one of these identities has undertaken a role based on their historical identity and in a social ground leading to the formation of new salafi movement, new Muslim Brotherhood and revolutionary Islam. Salafi model with Saudi Arabia as its pioneer seeks a global order based on caliphate, Brotherhood model with Egypt and Turkey as its flagbearers seeks the revival of their traditional role in the region and revolutionary Islam with Iran as its pioneer seeks the formation of a new front composed of regional countries to play an effective role of political Islam in international arena which are discussed in this article applying explanatory/analytical method.

Literature and especially poetry reflect political and social conditions of each historical era. The closer and the more intimate the poet is with his people, critics have more options to study cultural conditions of that era. More than ever, poetry of Islamic revolution of Iran is people's tongue and relates their feelings. Critical poetry formedin this era relating society's and state's shortcomings and flaws, utters people's expectations and their aspirations of Islamic revolution. Studying poems by revolutionary poets of the first decade of Islamicrevolution, authors of this article are about to determine criticized issues in order of importance. Poets of revolution have dealt more with issues in the field of social and ethical criticisms and then they criticized political flaws of the era studied in this article.

This article considers the relation between the third wave of modernity -according to Leo Strau's theory- and the intellectual discourse after Islamic revolution. After Islamic revolution and faced with third wave of modernity, intellectuals offered special interpretations. Intellectual interpretations by Reza Davari Ardakani and Abdulkarim Soroush, as prominent representatives for the third wave of intellectualism in Iran have been studied from a critical perspective. After the victory of Islamic revolution, intellectual atmosphere has been influenced by the quarrel between these two outstanding interpretations. Whereas the former reveals the metaphysical crisis of the west, the latter still sticks to desires of the first wave of intellectuality-whether in west or east- using "postmodernism" as an instrument of the third wave. It is obviously contrary to Imam Khomeini's and Islamic revolution's discourse.

As a jurisprudential rule, "nafye sabil" has played a sustaining and influential role in Islamic system's major decisions, policies and behavior. This principle is of high importance in Islamic state's foreign relations. Rejecting oppression and tyranny against Muslims and preserving their freedom and removing dependence on aliens is the foundation of this rule in Islamic republic of Iran's foreign policy. In Iran's constitution, any form of tyranny, extortion, domination and deferring to domination have been forbidden and rejected. As a foundation to provide society's independence and prevent economic domination, this principle forms the building blocks of Islamic republic of Iran's major as well as foreign policies.

The main objective of this article is to study and analyze the process of revolution in Bahrain. With an overview, condition inside Bahrain following the revolution on Feb 14th 2011 and evidence of reasons for its failure have been studied. This question is raised that why the revolution in Bahrain has not toppled the ruling system yet. In response, studying different aspects of Islamic awakening and a comparative study of recent developments, this point is emphasized that Bahraini's revolution has been depicted as unimportant and oppressed due to regional measures supporting Al Khalifa by Saudi Arabia on one hand and geopolitical importance of Bahrain for the United States. Therefore it seems that the importance of a small country such as Bahrain due to its strategic position neighboring oilrich parts of eastern Saudi Arabia and being located in oil route of Persian Gulf have added to the scope of failure of the revolution in this country. Bahraini revolution is in a transition period which is comprehensible through defining an instability period and a limited predictability; since the orientation and the path of this deep social revolution is still unclear.