فصلنامه مطالعات انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 39 (زمستان 1393)

Imam Khomeini's struggle against Pahlavi's regime was founded on numerous jurisprudential bases, an important one of which is commanding good and forbidding evil. In this article, first the jurisprudential explanation of commanding good and forbidding evil from Imam Khomeini's viewpoint has been offered and then, a historic-analytic approach has been applied to find examples in his stances from 1960s to the victory of Islamic revolution of Iran. With a critical approach toward the individual viewpoint dominating jurisprudence, Imam Khomeini examines commanding good and forbidding evil with a social perspective. Therefore, he thinks of a broader meaning for "good" and "evil". He thinks of "implementation of justice" as the most important "good" and "the ruling of a tyrant" as the greatest "evil".

From Ayatollah Khamenei's viewpoint, as an Islamic thinker, the ultimate goal of Islamic revolution is to achieve an Islamic civilization in a rational and constant chain built upon religion, rationality, science and ethic. For this end, five phases should be passed namely, Islamic revolution, Islamic system, Islamic government, Islamic society and Islamic civilization. Following the Islamic revolution, and formation of the Islamic system (Islamic Republic) whose pillars, elements and aspects are manifested in the Constitution – and are not completely implemented yet- passing three other steps in the chain of civilization building is a complex process. His speeches indicate that to implement these three stages in the chain of new Islamic civilization, four steps should be taken: theorization by Hawza, science production by universities, application of these theories and sciences at a smaller scale by autonomous elite groups and making discourses that eventually leads to the adjustment of the government and its frameworks to religious frameworks; a dominant discourse that will end in railing and course determination. With the formation of an exemplary Islamic society, the grounds will be paved for the imitation of the model and initiation of an Islamic civilization whose proper manifestation will be in the age after twelfth Imam's reappearance. The primary issue of this article is to clarify Ayatollah Khamenei's viewpoint about the pre-requisites of the implementation of Islamic government, society and civilization.

The main hypothesis of this article is "three waves of Islamic revolutionary awakening and uprising". Here, these three waves have been studied in terms of their civil, religious and revolutionary aspects from local, regional and global perspective on the short, the mid and the long run as the strategic infrastructure and infrastructural strategy for new uprisings. Important elements will be reviewed as well. These three long waves, civil (transition to civilization through the establishment of government and eternal eastern-Iranian wisdom), material (modern western technologies) and spiritual (Islamic of Iran and the Islamic world) toward the threshold of Imam Mahdi's revolution (globalization of Islam) are connected and mixed. Wave theory of awakening and Islamic revolutionary uprising and especially three civil and revolutionary waves put forward in this article respectively, are novel theories. It especially applies the approach that considers history as a continuum, the trend of establishment of civilized, social and political life and new Islamic civilization contrary to the theory of rupture in history. Discourse analysis (phenomenology) and relative content analysis (ontology and epistemology) have been applied to introduce the subject (three waves).

Regional revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt and the expansion of consequent insurgences into other countries in western Asia have led to the formation of relationships as well as new behavioral patterns in the region. Meanwhile the behaviors of regional players in terms of confrontation toward these revolutions can be examined in both ends of the spectrum; countries that have greeted these revolutions and waves of transformation seeking with open arms and countries that have seen the expansion of these revolutions as a threat to their national and supra-national interests and have tried to confront and restrict their expansion. What has been studied in this article is the examination of Saudi Arabia's interactions with two revolutionary countries of Egypt (before the ousting of Morsi) and Bahrain. This article's inquiry is: How has Saudi Arabia acted after regional revolutions? The initial answer to this question or the main hypothesis of this article is this: As a conservative player, Saudi Arabia has attempted to block the revolutionary waves from entering its territories through the application of a number of policies (conservative and aggressive) and various instruments (political, economic, security and military).

The victory of Islamic revolution in Iran has exerted enormous impacts in the world of Islam especially in regional countries. These impacts are rooted in Islamic revolution of Iran's elements of soft power and resulting values. Meanwhile, Bahrain due to its 75 per cent Shiite residents has made the greatest proximity with Islamic republic of Iran's soft power elements. In fact this article tries to enumerate Islamic revolutions of Iran's elements of soft power in Persian Gulf region and their influences in revolutionary Bahrain. Through the article it is concluded that one of the most important factors paving the way for Islamic awakening in Bahrain, is considered to be Islamic revolution of Iran's soft power. Strategies of Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy have been formed in line with this factor.

US politicians have found post cold war conditions an appropriate ground for the implementation of hegemonic stability with pivotal role of US. This issue has led to growing US intervention in various parts of the world. This article tries to answer this question: what decisions have been inspired by security and hegemony-seeking strategy in US foreign policy about Iran's nuclear issue? Initial answer to this question is that a nuclear Iran means a change in power balance in strategic region of middle-east that will lead to restriction in US interventions. Based on the future strategic prospects and step by step restriction, US has adopted tension diplomacy against Islamic Republic of Iran. This kind of process paves the ground for the failure of taneshzodaee strategy by Iran.

One of the groups who played a valuable role during US Embassy takeover was the Islamic Association of University Students in the US and Canada (Persian speaking). Due to the importance of this issue, this article tries to answer this question: what was the role of Association of University Students in the US and Canada (Persian speaking) during the US Embassy takeover? To gather data along with the study of document, some of the then members of Association of University Students in the US and Canada (Persian speaking) were interviewed. Major activities of students at that time, include: propagation activities to reveal enemie's conspiracies as well as awakening American citizens. Other activities include orchestrating rallies and marches protesting Shah's trip to the US and supporting students who followed Imam Khomeini's path. Food strike and a mock tribunal to try the betraying Shah were other programs by the association to attract the attention of US media and to convey their message to the world.

Current article is aimed at introducing discourse making approach as the desired approach in transferring maaref of Islamic revolution, especially the theory of Welayat-e faqih. First a general description of the current status in transferring the theory of welayat-e faqih was offered. Then the desired approach, i.e. discourse making approach was introduced and conceptology of main terms in the research, features of discourse making viewpoint in transferring this theory have been explained. Because of having four main elements namely ideology, goal, process and result all in line with true Islamic maaref, discourse making has the capability to implement above mentioned basic goals. Therefore it is necessary to replace other current approaches with this approach in the curricula of Islamic Republic of Iran's educational system when discussing Welayat-e faqih.

The current article believes that the intrinsic interdependence of modernity, science and secularism is an ideological non-universal interdependence but a hegemonic discourse. This kind of explanation and consideration is built upon a collection of ontological, epistemological, anthropological, methodological and evaluative sources. Based on two laws of "interchangeability of existence and science" on the one hand and "resemblance of cause and effect in the framework of causality" on the other hand, a new type of science and transcendental modernity can be contemplated. The science of religious politics and transcendental modernity but with independent epistemological foundations, sources as well as comprehensive and multi-lateral instruments in its epistemology, tries to establish a distinctive type of science for wielding and reformation in Islamic wisdom and philosophy generally and political wisdom of Islam especially in addition to two important laws of “interchangeability” and “resemblance”. However, due to stratified nature of "existence" and "science" and divine identity of existence and man it should confess its intrinsic interdependence with the law of dependence contingency ", since it explains the existence including material, immaterial and idea etc. and human including exoteric and esoteric domains and having self and earthly as well as heavenly identities and epistemology and sources of knowledge composed of senses, experience, intellect, insight and revelation. This way it will inevitably guide to modernity and transcendental and deputation-based manipulation.

Since the audience satisfaction of programs related to Islamic revolution has an important role in their decision to watch these programs that consequently exerts impact on how the audience learn about the phenomenon of Islamic revolution, therefore, through deeper understanding of these factors and planning to increase audience satisfaction, the officials in charge of these programs may utilize the capacity of TV to enhance audience satisfaction and consequently better introduction of Islamic revolution. This article is aimed at studying the level of audience satisfaction from TV programs about Islamic revolution and its related factors. Research findings indicate that about 70 per cent of respondents were highly satisfied of TV programs about Islamic revolution and there is a significant correlation between age, kind of needs, their trust in media and their media literacy with their satisfaction of these programs. Meanwhile, variables of gender, education and type of TV program watched did not show a meaningful correlation.