فصلنامه سیاست
سال چهل و ششم شماره 1 (پیاپی 37، بهار 1395)

Follower university students of Imam Khumaini reacted in 4/11/1979 and occupied the USA embassy in Tehran in protest against the supporting of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi by the USA to provide conspiracy like what happened as the coup in 18/8/1953 and interference of the spies and relation with the specious elements in Iran to remove Islamic Republic Of Iran. The UAS following the political failures, 25 days after the occupation of the embassy in 29/11/1979 registered a claim in secretariat of the international court. According to the mentioned claim that is claimed UAS bill, this country claimed: according to the four international conventions like Wien 1961 and1963 about the diplomatic and council relations and also friendship treaty, economic relations and council rights between Iran and the USA made in 1955 and also crimes against persons under international support convention1973 each confirmed the qualification of the court separately, could vote the UAS request positively. After all in present research the USA documents and reasons, Iran superficial claim which is reflected in two letters of the court and the court reasons in final issued verdict and generally, the done process in this document are focused.

Threat to use military force against Iran has been repeated by US. These threats have been along with increasing sanctions and embargo against Iran. The question we address in this paper is: what is the impact of on military threats against Iran on effectiveness of sanctions and embargo against it? we will examine this hypothesis: in situation of global economy, Transforming of military option from an alternative for sanctions and embargo to a supplement to their, is most efficient strategy for US to Increase efficiency of sanctions and embargoes against Iran. Threat to use military force makes this efficacy through change in cost - benefit analysis of Iran or its business partners. However, usage of military prestige strategy by Iran has made the US strategy inefficient. Given to continuing of political ineffectiveness of sanctions and increasing military threats, the military prestige strategy should be axis of Iran policy against Sanctions.

Various criteria are involved impacting trend of art and literature in a society. Socio-political infrastructure and changes within it are of the parameters affecting literature in a society. in 19th century in Iran, literature and poetry in particular was reformed fundamentally under impact of socio political structure. Courtier poetry was replaced by practical protest one To achieve this Whilst audience shifted from court to public, artists moved towards realism to express their political objectives In this research we aim to analyze some root causes of this reformation at Persian poetry and its move towards realism.

After the Islamic Revolution, many discussions have taken about Islamization of human sciences in Iran. In this research, we have study context of raised a debate among intellectuals, academics and generally in our society. The roots of this gradual evolution come back to attitudes and insights of educated people, intellectuals and some intellectual Clergymen from late 1320s. Other root goes back to early of Islamic Revolution there are some inconsistencies between activities of opposed student groups such as leftist groups and some views of academics led to islamization of human sciences and coupled with Revolution. Finally, After Islamic Revolution, took place efforts to implement the idea in the form of Cultural Revolution.

After deposing Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar until Reza Shah's reign, tajadod-e āmerāneh (Modernization) as a Political Discourse turned to the main political paradigm in Iran. The political and social articles of "Nāme farangestān" journal had the main role in propagating this political thought. Considering "Nāme farangestān" articles as a speech act in relation to the intellectual and political contexts of its time, shows that political thought of tajadode āmerāneh (Modernization) is a response to insecurity and disorder crisis and also the failure of the progressive ideals of the constitutional revolution in Iran. Investigation of the process that the authors of this Journal left behind from facing the political crisis to providing a political order, beyond the ideological perspective, could suggest a theoretical explanation of the rise of Reza Shah as a reformer-dictator and therefore tajadod-e āmerāneh (Modernization) political thought in modern Iran.

The present study aims to answer the question that what the fundamental grounds and characteristics of Beijing Consensus Model are and what challenges may be posed before it. Concentrating on characteristics of Beijing Consensus Model, the present study argues that positive factors inclusive of Development-oriented foreign policy, significant economic indicators and good performance in the East-Asia financial crisis as well as such negative ones as gradual incompetency of Washington Consensus Model have bestowed on Beijing Consensus, with characteristics like precedence of creativity, role of government and significance of social change in the globalized era and in accordance with development model trends, a considerable significance. Examination of development model trends in state-market relations and dealing with Beijing Consensus Model in terms of its grounds, characteristics and challenges are the main parts of the study.

One of the main concerns of intellectuals in the 40 and 50 th. Back to the concept of self-concern in such abundance in the works of Jalal Ahmad, law, and Nasr Farid is there. However, in this context, one must ask: Back to what self? In contrast, the return on the one hand, the rejection means and the other, a return to the past. However, such a return is guaranteed two assumptions: First, it implies awareness of the heritage of the past; the second is the return to the original meaning of a return to tradition. While the scrutiny, return to the default will be more than ever before. Hence, the present article is based on the assumption that tradition is constructed based on the ideas of antagonism Ahmad on a logical consequent it is nothing but a nativist and merge the religious with the political.

In terms of time, Iranian Mystic Seyyed Jaafar Kashfi belongs to the era that is known as the end of the political thought era, from the perspective of Decline theory. However, He is one of the great thinkers of the Qajar era who in his two books entitled “Tohfat al-Muluk” and “Mizan al-Muluk” presented his political thought on the basis of mystical way. The main question in this research is what kind of political thought is presented by Kashfi, and how far has been impacted this kind of political thought in Qajar era. The main hypothesis of this article is that Kashfi was one of the main representatives of Mystical-Political thought exactly during that era is called the Decline of political thought in Iran.

Religion and politics in Muslim world are like two next-door neighbors. Current developments in the region, no matter they named as Arab spring, Islamic awakening or radicalism stress the mentioned fact. However, involvement of religion in politics is not inappropriate at all, probably these two are Janus-faced and they have synchronically showed tendency to each other: constructive and destructive; religious extremism and life healing aspects. The establishment of Islamic republic of Iran (1979) as a religious state has always brought to mind this dilemma in central Asia and Middle East. This paper trying to evaluate the religious politics in central Asia and Iranian foreign policy in this region.

This article seeks to reveal the theoretical basics of Islabmic Fundamentalism. Precedence of religion over reason in epistemology, emphasize on human being duties in anthropology, Government on the base of jurisprudence in political approach, and criticizing the western civilization, are the theoretical indicators of Islamic Fundamentalism. The Devotees of Islam (Fadaiyan-e Islam) as an important Islamic Fundamentalist group in Iranian contemporary history has been considered as the case study. Theoretical description and hermeneutics has been used as methods of research in this regard.

While it is a well-known fact that geopolitics is a subject of boardroom discussions that has been derived from the debth of political science, there are those who consider it to be an academic discipline, independent of both political geography and political science. Yet, an etymological review of the case proves that political geography must have gained prominance as a specialist field of academic subject subsequent to the decline in geopolitical debates in the post-world war II era. In his other publications, this author has defined the beginning of political geography as an independent branch of social sciences in the modern thoughts of early years of 1950s which was the outcome of a wave of more or less similar thinkings of Richard Hartshorn, Jean Gottmann and Stiven Jones. These thinkers argued that space is not static but dinamic, and movements help political shaping of the space. In other words, these political geographers (global thinkers) turned any the ideas of political geography being born in the depth of geopolitical debates into a reality.
From amongst these three thinkers, Jean Gottmann argues in his phylosophical theorisation of the dinamics of geopolitics argues that the dinamics of politicl thoughts have moved to facilitate realizaytion of the idea that political perspect of space can shape geographical arena by causing it to become both fragmented and unified politically. He argued this philodophical vew of political space in his works under two new theories: iconography and circulation and with these theories he qualified the concept of territory in a dialectical capacity and helped emergence of political geography in connection with both ‘geography’ and ‘political science’, but independent of both.

This paper presents an approach analysis of the political presses(published 23rd September 1950 to 20th March 1951) to the Iranian oil industry nationalization movement. The analysis aims at determining the impact of political presses of this period, as one of the most tools of pressing groups,on the rise and victory of the movement. The research methods is descriptive-analytic and in gathering data the documentary and library methods have been used. The sample includes 269 editorials of 11 political presses that belong to the most important political parties and associations of that time, have been chosen through qoutas sampling method. The analysis has been done on the approaches of the sample to six categories including Razmara government, Jebhe Melli political party, nationalization of oil industry thesis, Attached bill, Iran and Britain Oil Industry Company and State of Britain. The paper concludes that the political presses published 23rd September 1950 to 20th March 1951, despite of some differences in their approaches to Razmara government, Jebhe Melli political party and nationalization of oil industry thesis ,have played a significant role in the rise and victory of Iranian oil industry nationalization movement.

The process of public policy is a complicated and multidimensional process that affected by several factors. The purpose of policy analysis is analyzing such factors and variables. One of the major approaches in policy analysis is the studding the role of ideas and values in public policy. This approach seeks to answer the question of how ideas are turned into policies and rules and finally, be implemented in a given society. In this regard have submitted three concepts. The policy paradigm by Peter Hall, the policy referential by Pierre Muller and the advocacy coalition by Paul Sabatier. This research based on four components (basic principles, specific principles, course of action and tools) has compared these concepts and then in the path has been clarified the role of ideas and values in public policy.