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باغ نظر - سال دوازدهم شماره 33 (تابستان 1394)

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سال دوازدهم شماره 33 (تابستان 1394)

  • تاریخ انتشار: 1394/04/02
  • تعداد عناوین: 10
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  • محمدحسن پور، علیرضا نوروزی طلب، غزاله سیفی صفحات 3-12
    عکس همواره چیزی را از گذشته، رد و جعل می کند. تاکید حضور-آن-جای مصداق در عکس بی گمان نشات از فهمی در برابر آن دارد که فحوای چنین ردی را بر تن عکس مورد پرسش قرار می دهد. ارتباط با گذشته ای که عکس به مثابه هستی درذات خود سودای آشکارگی اش را دارد، در زمان حال که رویت آن را مهیا می سازد، به سان کنشی است متاخر که از جانب مخاطب خاص عکس، ادراک می شود. چه که او همزمان با رویت، به خوانش گذشته ای مشغول است که به جز در عکس، «حضور»ش را چنین مستند نمی توان مطالعه کرد. وجود زمان گذشته در بطن عکس با عناصری گره می خورد که برای مخاطب خود حامل فهم پیشینی هستند از هر آنچه در زندگی ازدست رفته او تداعی گر معنا بوده، و توامان اصرار می ورزند بر موقتی بودن تمامی انگاره های ذهنی و عینی که میان وی و سطح عکس در جریان است. بنابراین، چگونه است که آن-جا-بودگی هماره مصداق و پیوند همیشگی «واقعیت و گذشته» که «ارجاع» عکس از بطن آن برمی خیزد، یکی شدن حقیقت عکس را (مصداقی که حضورش دیگر تنها منوط به قاب عکسی است که در برابر دیدگان است)، با واقعیت آن («آنچه بوده» از مصداقی که در برابر دوربین عکاسی، حضوری واقعی و آنی، داشته است) پایه گذاری می کند؟
    رولان بارت1، در آخرین کتاب خود، اتاق روشن2، «ارجاع» را گوهر عکس می نامد؛ ارجاع به «آنچه بوده»، که اکنون به سان امری حاضر و کنش گر در عکس حضور دارد. در مقاله حاضر به بررسی چگونگی هستومندی زمان گذشته در بستر عکس، و تبیین ویژگی های متمایز «ارجاع به گذشته» در عکس های خصوصی پرداخته و تاثیراتی را که چنین «ارجاعاتی» به مثابه هستی عکس در خوانش و تاویل اثر بر مخاطب خود خواهند داشت، مورد تحلیل قرار خواهیم داد.
    کلیدواژگان: عکس های خصوصی، آنجا بودگی مصداق، رولان بارت، زمان گذشته، ارجاع
  • علی اسدپور، محسن فیضی، فرهنگ مظفر، مصطفی بهزادفر صفحات 13-22
    تصاویر ذهنی و نقشه های شناختی ابزار دستیابی به بازنمایی درونی محیط دانسته می شود که تنوعی از روش ها و شیوه های استخراج را در چند دهه گذشته تجربه کرده است. همین تنوع است که بررسی تطبیقی شیوه های استخراج تصاویر ذهنی -شناختی و شناخت جامع آنها و به ویژه نقاط ضعف و قوت آنها را مهم می سازد. در این پژوهش با استفاده از راهبرد ترکیبی شامل راهبرد کیفی و طبقه بندی، داده های حاصل، مورد گونه شناسی قرار گرفته و در نهایت در راهبردی تفسیری با رویکردی استنتاجی تحلیل و ارزیابی شده اند. ادبیات مرتبط با موضوع مورد بررسی و تحلیلی انتقادی قرار گرفته و تلاش شده جوانب موضوع به طور کامل ولی موجز مورد بررسی و اشاره قرار گیرد. فرضیه این پژوهش بر این پایه استوار است که می توان وجوه اشتراک و افتراق میان روش های استخراج و ثبت تصاویر ذهنی و نقشه های شناختی را به گونه ای طبقه بندی کرد که امکان ساخت مدل یا مدل های کلان نظری از آنها را ممکن ساخته و در نهایت راه را برای تبیین مدل جامع بازنمایی محیط فراهم آورند. این مدل بر مبنای کاهش نقاط ضعف و تاکید بر نقاط قوت شکل خواهد گرفت. نتایج حاصل از این پژوهش نشان دادند که گونه های مختلف مفاهیم موجود در زمینه نقشه های ذهنی- ادراکی به دو دسته «بازنمایی توپولوژیک» و «بازنمایی لفظی» قابل تقسیم هستند. همچنین روش شناسی اخذ تصاویر و نقشه های شناختی نیز در دو دسته «مدل های ترسیمی - طراحی (زایشی)» و «مدل های بازشناسی-ارزیابی (غیر زایشی)» قابل تقسیم اند. تحلیل روش های مذکور در کل مدل جامع بازنمایی منظر و محیط شهری را به لحاظ روش شناسی حاصل ترکیب «نقشه های ذهنی» و «نقشه های مفهومی» معرفی کرده و استخراج نقشه های شناختی در راستای دستیابی به «نقشه شناختی عام» از بازنمایی محیط را با آسیب هایی مواجه می داند؛ نخست «ضعف فرآیند ساده سازی» که به حذف کیفیت ترسیمی عناصر و جزییات آنها منتهی شده است، و دیگری «ضعف سامانه گرافیکی» که محدود به عناصر پنج گانه لینچ تعریف شده اند، سرانجام «عدم امکان مقایسه نتایج در روش های مختلف» به ویژه روش های ارزیابی و ترسیمی که به سبب ماهیت و روش شناسی نمی توانند به موازات یکدیگر مورد استفاده باشند. لذا استفاده از ابزارهای فناوری جدید مانند شبکه های جهانی ارتباطی (اینترنت و رسانه ها) و نرم افزارهای رایانه ای و شبیه سازی و مانند آن در آینده ای نزدیک به عنوان ابزار اولیه و سپس به مثابه شیوه ای جدید شکل خواهند گرفت که امروزه نشانه هایی از آن در مطالعات ترجیح سنجی مردم قابل مشاهده است. با این حال مطالعات این پژوهش نشان می دهد که این ابزارها و روش ها هنوز در پژوهش ها مورد استفاده نیستند.
    کلیدواژگان: تصاویر ذهنی، نقشه های شناختی، منظر، محیط، روش شناسی، گونه شناسی
  • نرگس آقابزرگ، حشمت الله متدین صفحات 23-40
    امروزه شهرهای ما بیش از هر چیز نیازمند فضاهای جمعی هستند. میدان ها از دیرباز در بافت شهر به عنوان یک فضای جمعی ایفای نقش می کرده اند. وجود میدان ایرانی در شهر ایرانی، ضرورتی انکار نشدنی است. ویژگی های میدان ایرانی را می توان در میدان های تاریخی ایران که در راس آنها میدان نقش جهان قرار دارد، جستجو کرد. میدان نقش جهان به عنوان یک میدان حکومتی ایرانی و با دربرداشتن سه جزء اصلی شهر (اقتصاد، مذهب و حکومت) سعی در پیوند با مردم دارد. یافتن خاستگاه نظری ویژگی های میدان نقش جهان می تواند به یافتن اصول طراحی یک میدان حکومتی بیانجامد. مقاله حاضر با مقایسه ویژگی های میدان نقش جهان با بناهای مشابه توانسته تا حدودی به خاستگاه نظری ویژگی های آن نزدیک شده و الگویی برای طراحی یک میدان ایرانی ارایه دهد. مقایسه ویژگی های میدان نقش جهان با میادین پیشین صفوی و مقبره شیخ صفی در قالب ویژگی های مشترکشان صورت گرفته است. این ویژگی ها از متون تاریخی استخراج و سعی شده به ویژگی های اصیل آنها نزدیک تر باشد. با طبقه بندی و تحلیل و بررسی ویژگی این بناها، معنا و خاستگاه نظری آنها استنباط شده است. سپس با تاکید بر بدیع بودن میدان نقش جهان در زمان خود به ویژگی های خاص و ترکیبی آن پرداخته می شود. میدان نقش جهان ترکیبی نو از میادین پیشین صفوی، مقبره شیخ صفی و به طور کلی معماری ایران بوده است. در آخر و پس از شناخت معنایی میدان نقش جهان، راهبردهایی برای طراحی میدان حکومتی ایرانی ارایه شده است. راهبردهایی چون استفاده از هندسه ایرانی، محصوریت، استفاده از عناصر باغ ایرانی، احیای سنت نقاره خوانی، دادن نقش مذهبی، تجاری و نمایشی به میدان بایستی در طراحی میدان حکومتی ایرانی مد نظر قرار گیرد.
    کلیدواژگان: میدان نقش جهان، میدان حکومتی ایرانی، میادین صفوی، مقبره شیخ صفی
  • محسن هنرور، رضا پاسیان خمری، محدثه طراوت صفحات 41-58
    تعاملات اجتماعی، روابط و علقه های محله ای، مشارکت و بسیاری مفاهیم اجتماعی دیگر که همگی تحت عنوان سرمایه اجتماعی مطرح هستند از جمله مهم ترین دلمشغولی های طراحان، برنامه ریزان و مدیران شهری است که نقش به سزایی را در آفرینش و تقویت حس مکان، دلبستگی مکانی، رضایتمندی سکونتی، هویت مکانی و بسیاری کیفیت های مکانی دیگر عهده دار است. بر همین اساس چنانچه تقویت این عوامل اجتماعی را که در این تحقیق از آنها تحت عنوان سرمایه اجتماعی یاد می شود به عنوان یکی از اهداف طرح ها و برنامه های شهری در نظرگیریم، نگاه به گذشته جامعه ایرانی، نقاط قوت و ضعف بسیاری را در توانایی ارتباطات اجتماعی ایرانیان در جهت همسایگی اجتماعی، مشارکت شهروندی و زندگی جمعی نشان خواهد داد که می تواند روشنی بخش جامعه امروز در نیل به اهدافش باشد. در این بین ادبیات نیز به عنوان میراثی مکتوب از گذشتگان می تواند نقش مهمی در شناسایی روندها و رویه ها عهده دار باشد. در واقع همواره بخشی از ادبیات به اجتماعیات اختصاص دارد و بیانگر راز و رمزهای نهفته در مناسبات میان مردم است. از این روی پژوهش حاضر با هدف واکاوی مناسبات اجتماعی در جامعه سنتی ایران با مروری بر تعاریف سرمایه اجتماعی به ارزیابی مولفه های سه گانه آن در متون کهن پارسی پرداخته است. بر این اساس در یک سامانه پژوهش کیفی مبتنی بر رویکرد پژوهش تفسیری- تاریخی، با استفاده از روش تحلیل محتوا تلاش شده تا به بررسی هر یک از مولفه های سه گانه سرمایه اجتماعی در متون کهن ادبی ایران همچون خمسه نظامی، مثنوی معنوی و گلستان سعدی پرداخته شود. نتایج مطالعات حاضر حکایت از آن دارد که محلات به عنوان مهم ترین تجلی شبکه های اجتماعی در زندگی شهری جامعه ایرانی مهم ترین عامل تعیین کننده دیگر مولفه های سرمایه اجتماعی (روابط و تعاملات اجتماعی، هنجارهای همیاری و اعتماد) هستند. بر این اساس برخلاف جوامع غربی که تعاملات میان شهروندان عمدتا به صورت میان گروهی، در مقیاس شهر و در فضاهای شهری صورت می پذیرفته است، تعاملات ایرانیان به صورت درون گروهی و در مقیاس محلات تحقق می یافته است به گونه ای که در شکل گیری شبکه های اجتماعی، ارتباطات افقی بسیار قویی تر از ارتباطات عمودی(آوندی) بوده است. همچنین در حالی که هنجارهای همیاری و اعتماد در دو سطح خرد و میانه از سطح مطلوبی برخوردار است لیکن اعتماد در سطح کلان سست و شکننده است. علاوه بر این به نظر می رسد مشارکت دادن مردم در مدیریت فضاهای شهری از طریق شکل گیری و اولویت دادن به سازمان های مردم نهاد به مثابه حلقه واسطه عرصه عمومی و دولتی نقش به سزایی در تقویت سرمایه اجتماعی بین گروهی می تواند عهده دار باشد.
    کلیدواژگان: ادبیات کهن فارسی ایران، سرمایه اجتماعی، شبکه های اجتماعی، هنجار، اعتماد
  • حسن اکبری، محمدشریف مرادسلطان، سیدمحمود میراسکندری، حمیدرضا کرمی صفحات 59-68
    نیاز انسان در طول تاریخ به ایجاد ارتباط با مناطق مختلف منجر به ساخت راه ها شد. همچنین او برای سهولت در امر حمل و نقل و رفت آمد اقدام به ایجاد ابنیه فنی برای راه ها کرده که یکی از این ابنیه، پل است. سرزمین حاصلخیز خوزستان که پرآب ترین و طولانی ترین رودخانه های ایران در آن جاری است حکایتی از این موارد دارد در کنار رودخانه های پرآب و فراوان، کمی ارتفاع و شیب و مسطح بودن خوزستان امکان کاربری پل ها را به موارد دیگر نیز داده که نمونه کاملا شناخته شده آن مجموعه سازه های آبی شوشتر است که در جهان شناخته شده و نسبتا سالم و پابرجاست. در سال 1390 در راستای تعین حریم محوطه لور و در بررسی سطحی این محوطه بقایای این پل بند کشف و بدین منظور محوطه کاملا بررسی شد تا تمامی آثار متعلق به این مجموع کشف و ثبت شود. ابعاد و اندازه پل ثبت و ضبط و بقایایی از طاق قوس های پل به دست آمد و اندازه آنها مشخص شد. اثراتی از راه عبوری مربوط به پل کشف و کانال های ارتیاطی، حوضچه ها و محل آسیاب آبی نیز کشف شد و در گمانه های کنار پل تعدادی قطعه سفال نیز که احتمالا متعلق به زمان آبادانی پل بوده جمع آوری شد تا بتوان به تاریخ نسبی ساخت پل را دست یافت. در انتها با طراحی پل شکل احتمالی آن به دست آمده و با دیگر مجموعه های دارای کاربری یکسان مقایسه شد.
    با توجه به اینکه این اولین گزارش درباره این مجموعه است، ما در این پژوهش به دنبال این هدف و پرسش هستیم که به طور دقیق این سازه ها به چه منظوری ساخته شده اند؟ با توجه به اینکه محوطه لور از اواخر دوره ساسانی تا دوره متاخر اسلامی مسکونی بوده، این پل در کدام دوره ساخته شده است؟ احتمالا پل به چه شکل بوده است؟ این پل بند چگونه ساخته شده است؟ آیا فقط به منظور عبور و مرور ساخته شده یا کاربرد دیگری هم داشته؟ چه عامل احتمالی باعث ریزش پل شده است؟ مصالح پل از چه موادی تشکیل یافته است؟
    کلیدواژگان: سازه های آبی، لور، پل، پل آسیاب، پل بند
  • مصطفی رستمی، محمدرضا چیت ساز، مصطفی منصورآبادی صفحات 69-80
    دوره ساسانیان از دوره های اعتلای هنر و تمدن در ایران پیش از اسلام است. در این دوره جایگاه هنر و هنرمند در مقایسه با دوره های پیش از خود، از شکوفایی قابل وصفی برخوردار شد. از جمله هنرهای این دوره، هنر موسیقی است که در دربار پادشاهی و درون جامعه مردم جایگاه به سزایی داشته است. از نشانه های ترویج و جایگاه موسیقی در دوره ساسانیان می توان به نگاره ها، سفرنامه های سیاحان غربی و اشاره های آنها به موسیقی عصر ساسانی در این زمان اشاره کرد.
    نگاره های به جای مانده از عصر ساسانیان که به طور کلی بر روی نقش برجسته های سنگی، ظروف فلزی و دیوارنگاره ها مشاهده شده، از جمله مهم ترین منابع در خصوص مطالعه موسیقی و سازهای موسیقی در این دوره اند. در بعضی از این نگاره ها تصاویر همراه با شاخه های انگور و موجودات اسطوره ای در کنار یکدیگر قرارگرفته اند. در نگاره ها نوازنده ها در حال اجرای سازهای زهی، سازهای بادی، سازهای کوبه ای و سازهای خود صدا تصویر شده اند. از بین این سازها، سازهای بادی بعد از سازهای زهی بیشترین تصاویر را شامل می شوند.
    نتایج حاصله از این پژوهش حاکی از آن است که سازهای بادی تصویر شده بر نگاره های این دوره شامل سازهای سیرینکس، نی دوتایی، مشتک، سرنا، کرنا و بوق است.
    کلیدواژگان: سازهای بادی، نگاره ها، ساسانیان، موسیقی
  • فهیمه زارع زاده، فهیمه زارع زاده، زهرا رهبرنیا صفحات 81-90
    در زیست جهان فرهنگی عصر مدرن، نخستین بار نخبگان سیاسی- فرهنگی بریتانیا پدیده ای چندبعدی از نمایشگاه های جهانی به نام اکسپوی کریستال پالاس1 را شکل دادند که زمینه ساز خوانش هایی نوین در وجوه ملی- بین المللی شد. یکی از این خوانش ها، عرصه پیوند میان هنر و سیاست- میان بازتولیدپذیری اثر هنری و طرح و بسط جریان های سیاسی- بود.
    با عطف توجه به این پیوند، پژوهش حاضر که توصیفی- تبیینی است و با استناد به منابع معتبر کتابخانه ای، تصویری و الکترونیکی تهیه شده، بر آن است تا نشان دهد که هنر چگونه مورد بهره برداری قرار گرفت تا تحقق بخش اهداف سیاسی بریتانیا باشد.
    براساس نتایج به دست آمده، نخبگان سیاسی- فرهنگی بریتانیا به سه روش از هنر بهره برداری کردند: طراحی معمارانه مبتنی بر ایده ای نوآورانه از ارزش های فناوری ساخت وساز، تولید آثار با درجه کیفیت و کمیت پیشرفته صنعتی و نمایشی خلاقانه از صنایع دستی اقوام مستعمره. زیرا این روش ها که بر پایه مولفه هایی در بیانی خالص از پیشرفت علمی و صنعتی بودند و نوعی نگاه زیبایی شناختی مبتنی بر تاثیرات حسی و ادراکی ایجاد می کردند سبب شدند تا: 1. گونه ای شناخت معقولانه از تحولات فناورانه در انطباق با سیاست های منفعت طلبانه و در جهت حفظ منافع ملی شان صورت گیرد؛ 2. ادراک مثبت از قابلیت تولید انبوه و صرفه جویی در هزینه های تولید با بهره گیری از صنایع ماشینی برای پیشبرد سرمایه داری کالامحورشان ایجاد شود و 3. سلسله مراتبی از اطلاع رسانی در مشروعیت بخشی به بهره وری های نوین انحصارطلبانه شان صورت پذیرد. چنان که برآیندی تحلیلی از این موارد در بطن پژوهش حاضر، تبیین گر تحقق اهداف مدنظر بریتانیا همچون تمرکز قدرت، رشد اقتصادی و بهره وری های تجاری- سیاسی اش است.
    کلیدواژگان: نمایشگاه های جهانی، اکسپو، کریستال پالاس، بریتانیا، هنر، سیاست
  • محمدحسین صبحیه، امیر ردایی صفحات 91-106
    با توجه به درگیر بودن بخش های مختلف دولتی و خصوصی ایران در طرح مسکن مهر، می توان پروژه های این طرح را از بسیاری جهات، نشان دهنده وضعیت طرح های ساخت وساز مسکن کشور دانست، از این رو بررسی پروژه های این طرح، می تواند جنبه های پوشیده فراوانی را که بر تحقق اهداف و برنامه ریزی ها در حوزه ساختمان سازی ایران تاثیرگذارند، آشکار کند. هدف دولت از اجرای طرح مسکن مهر، ایجاد عدالت اجتماعی از طریق تامین سریع، ارزان و باکیفیت مسکن برای گروه های کم درآمد بود. گذشته از بحث توفیق دولت در ایجاد عدالت اجتماعی، امروز با گذشت چهار سال و نیم از ورود پروژه های این طرح به مرحله اجرا، بزرگ ترین چالش دولت چگونگی به اتمام رساندن پروژه های نیمه تمام مسکونی است که قرار بود با ساخت آنها عدالت اجتماعی ایجاد شود. هدف مقاله حاضر بررسی وضعیت تحقق اهداف و برنامه ریزی ها در پروژه مسکن مهر ماهدشت یکی از بزرگ ترین پروژه های طرح مسکن مهر و بیان علل وضعیت به وجود آمده است. به دلیل پیچیدگی موضوع فوق، چندگانگی و ریشه داشتن آن در مسایل اجتماعی، اقتصادی و اجرایی و نیز نیاز به انعطاف پذیری و دریافت اطلاعات عمیق، از شیوه کیفی مصاحبه برای پژوهش استفاده شده است. با تمرکز بر وضعیت تحقق اهداف و برنامه ریزی ها در پروژه مسکن مهر ماهدشت، با 25 تن از مدیران ارشد مربوط به شرکت های پیمان کاری ساختمان پروژه مسکن مهر البرز، 2 تن از مدیران پروژه دولتی پروژه مذکور و 3 تن از مدیران ارشد دولتی مصاحبه شده است. درنهایت به هدف استخراج مفاهیم و کشف الگوی بنیادین اجتماعی مستتر در داده ها، از روش شناسی نظریه داده بنیاد برای تحلیل آن استفاده شده است. بنا بر تحلیل صورت گرفته از داده های حاصل از مصاحبه و مطالعه ادبیات موضوع، این گونه استنباط می شود که طرح مسکن مهر علی رغم اهتمام در تدوین اهداف، قوانین، آیین نامه ها و شیوه نامه های اجرایی در اجرای اهداف و برنامه ها موفق نبوده و دلیل اصلی این امر فراهم نبودن زیرساخت های اجرای طرح در کشور و عدم رعایت تدابیر لازم سیستم طرح و ساخت است. عواملی چون جو حاکم بر بخش دولتی و خصوصی نیز با تقویت یکدیگر، در تشدید این وضعیت موثر هستند. این گونه به نظر می رسد که تدوین برنامه ها بدون در نظر گرفتن زمینه اجرای آنها کافی نبوده و توفیق طرح هایی چون مسکن مهر علاوه بر تامین زیرساخت های لازم، نیازمند اصلاحات اساسی در جو حاکم بر بخش دولتی و خصوصی کشور است.
    کلیدواژگان: طرح مسکن مهر، انبوه سازی، پروژه مسکن مهر ماهدشت
  • محمود محمدی، مهدی حسینی دهاقانی، ایمان فدایی صفحات 107-116
    با نگاهی به شهر، می توان نمود اختلافات طبقاتی، شکاف های اقشار مختلف جامعه، نابرابری ها و تفاوت های اجتماعی-اقتصادی، فاصله بین دهک های اقتصادی و مسایلی از این دست را در تمام اجزای آن از مردم و فرهنگ ها و خرده فرهنگ ها گرفته تا کالبد آن مشاهده کرد. مفاهیمی همچون بالا و پایین، شمال و جنوب شهر، این طرف و آن طرف رودخانه و... هم مولود و هم مولد مسایل یاد شده اند که خود به مشکلاتی بزرگ در شهر و زندگی شهری بدل شده اند. این مفاهیم واژگانی آشنا در ادبیات روزمره مردم و مسئولین است؛ از نشانه ای برای بیان پایگاه اقتصادی-اجتماعی افراد تا موضوعی برای وعده و وعید. با این وجود، تاکنون در ادبیات علمی شهرسازی ایران به مفهوم شناسی این پدیده پرداخته نشده است. این پژوهش تلاشی است برای تحلیل محتوای مفاهیم بالاشهر و پایین شهر از جنبه های مختلف و سازمان دهی چارچوبی نظری و مبنایی برای تحقیقات آینده. بر این مبنا، پرسش های اصلی این پژوهش عبارتند از این که «مفهوم بالاشهر و پایین شهر در حوزه معنایی زبان فارسی چیست؟» و «چه چیزی بالاشهر و پایین شهر را در ذهن مردم می سازد؟».
    برای نیل به اهداف تحقیق، سعی شد تا با دیدی همه جانبه نگر، به واکاوی این مفاهیم پرداخته شده و از پوسته های رویین و سطحی تا لایه های زیرین و عمقی آن شکافته شود. بنابراین با تکیه بر نظریات زبان شناسی پدیدارشناسانه، دو مقوله برای این بررسی در نظر گرفته شد؛ یکی «عناصر مفهومی» سازنده معنا و دیگری «معیارها»ی سازنده آن از دیدگاه مردم. در بررسی مفاهیم، چهار جنبه واژه شناسی، اصطلاح شناسی، استعاره شناسی و اسطوره شناسی، مورد توجه قرار گرفت. به منظور شناسایی عوامل و زمینه های موثر بر شکل گیری مفاهیم بالاشهر و پایین شهر از منظر مردم، از روش تحلیل محتوا بهره گرفته شد. اطلاعات این قسمت، از طریق مصاحبه شفاهی در شهر اصفهان، جمع آوری و از طریق تداعی معنا، تحلیل شدند. نتایج بررسی بخش «عناصر مفهومی»، نشان داد که مفهوم محوری و درونی واژگان بالا و پایین در زبان فارسی، نوعی ارزش گذاری برای بیان انواع مقام ها و منزلت هاست. همچنین در بخش «معیارها»ی سازنده، با تحلیل محتوای نگرش های مردم، دو دیدگاه کلی تفکیک شد؛ یکی آن که وجه تمایز بالاشهر و پایین شهر را ناشی از عوامل محیطی می داند و دیگری، این تفاوت را از طریق معیارهای غیرمحیطی و مربوط به مردم محیط می داند. نتایج نشان داد که مردم برای تشخیص بالاشهر و پایین شهر، اغلب به معیارهایی اشاره می کنند که آنها را کمتر می توان به محیط نسبت داد. بنابراین مفهوم بالاشهر و پایین شهر در تناظر با ارزش ها، مفهومی کاملا نسبی است و یک تعریف ثابت از متغیرها و معیارها، نمی تواند همواره بر آن دلالت کند. این پژوهش، تلاش می کند تا از رهگذر بیان سیستمی و شامل «عناصر مفهومی» و «معیارها»، که در روابط متقابل با هم هستند، پدیده بالاشهر و پایین شهر را تشریح کند.
    کلیدواژگان: بالاشهر، پایین شهر، تحلیل محتوا، حوزه معنایی، مفهوم سازی
  • مرجانه زندی* صفحات 117-128
    باغ از نوع مثمر و غیر مثمر یکی از اجزای الگوساز بافت درون شهری تهران بوده است، به این ترتیب که در ترکیب با اجزای دیگر شهری مانند مدرسه، تکیه، مزار، مسجد، سقاخانه و... یا به صورت مجموعه ای از باغات متمرکز (لکه های سبز عمده) سنت های «تفرج درشهر» و «زیارت- تفرج» را درشهر ثبات بخشیده است. فرضیه اصلی این نوشتار این است که ارسن های شکل گرفته در همسایگی باغات درون شهری که اغلب ریزدانه اند، دارای «چگالی رفتاری» بالاتری نسبت به پارک های شهری بزرگ مقیاس شکل گرفته در دوره ظهور مدرنیسم در تهران هستند. مزیت دیگر این باغ های درون شهری ریزدانه این است که در هماهنگی کامل با لایه مورفولوژیکی شهر تهران که متاثر از پنج رود دره مهم از شمال به جنوب شهر شکل گرفته و الگوهای سلسله مراتبی ساختاری و رفتاری تعریف شده ای را بنا به محل قرارگیری در ارتفاعات متفاوت رود دره ها (خط الراس، خط القعر و دامنه) به علاوه پارادایم های فرهنگی یک جامعه ایرانی - اسلامی شکل داده اند. مقاله حاضر، تلاشی در جهت تبیین نقش باغ در شکل دهی به فضاهای جمعی شهری و دسته بندی الگوهای ساختاری براساس نقش باغ در مجموعه است. بر این اساس، عنصر واسطه باغ درالگوهای ترکیبی حاصل از مطالعه منظر شهر تهران، در طول تاریخ به ویژه تا دوران پهلوی با نقش های متعددی به شرح زیر مشاهده شده است: - مبدا پیدایش تمدن - نظرگاه - تبدیل یک عنصر نمادین منظر به باغ - باغ- یادمان اسطوره - سنت باغ وقفی - بستر سنت زیارت- تفرج
    کلیدواژگان: باغ درون شهری، الگوهای ترکیبی، قرارگاه رفتاری، چگالی رفتاری
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  • Mohammad Hasanpour, Alireza Norouzitalab, Ghazale Seifi Pages 3-12
    Photograph always traces something form the past. The importance of its presence replacing the referent in the photo is absolutely derived from an understanding of it، questioning the sense of such a trace on the body of photograph. Communicating to a past which photograph as a being in-itself yearns its revelation، concerning present time which makes it visible، is supposed to be a latter action being comprehended by the photograph-oriented audience. Thus viewing the photograph، one is reading a past that its «presence» might not be studied so as document. In other words، what makes photography different from other forms of art is the unique presence of the referent in a very specific moment or period of time which its non-existence is unthinkable especially with the advent of photography. Painting might be created with no referent، being made out of the painter’s «fantasy and imagination». Verbal signs as well might represent a referent، but a one arising from delusion and illusions. In photography، however، there is always a trace. Referent in photography brings forth the permanent presence of the object there. In this notion، there is a combination of past - happened in front of the camera and gone in a blink of an eye - with present - the being-there presence of object and photo reference. By way of explanation، photographs in their semantic system yield a referent which «its turning back to the past reality» occurs in the first step of content analysis. It can be said that the «aliveness» which the photograph points out to، is among the inherent، specific and unique features of photograph. Photography، even facing a dead body، emphasizes the aliveness of the corpse as «there corpse» and points out to the presence of the corpse. As if it testifies that the corpse as the corpse is alive! Photograph always does not represent ‘where it has been «but showing us» that it is here «as the corpse. Facing any photograph، we think of life as superior to death and seeing the photographs of the dead، even not recognizing the subject، we are moved and shocked merely coming to know the subject is dead; even we might break into tears emphasizing that we are alive، crying for those whose death being demonstrated by the photo. Us being alive، they as dead، this is the difference. The photograph shows their aliveness in a specific time and there in order to repeat their temporary aliveness while knowing they are dead forever. Photograph sometimes highly emphasizes the temporal distance in past. Seeing the photograph of a living person، we might be overwhelmed since the photograph takes the aliveness as its reference which does not exist as it used to be in the» past «. The existence of past time whit-in the photograph is associated with elements، containing a pre-understanding، for the audience، of whatever in his lost life bears meaning while emphasizing the temporariness of all objective and subjective assumptions، running between him and the surface of the photograph. Therefore، how does the eternal being-there of the referent and the perpetual bond between» reality and past «from which the» reference«of the photograph originates lay the foundation for the unification of the photo truth (the referent which presence is bound to the frame facing us) with photo reality (»that-has-been«of the referent which really existed before the camera)? Thus، reference as the fundamental structure of photography، is supposed to be the purpose of the photograph. Whatever the photograph represents is a text remained from its audience’s past as its viewer that in fact is a reference to whatever he/she is done with. Such a reference is more than the certainty of photography documentation that we see in documentary photographs. Reference in personal photos leads to explore the reinterpretation of identity، ancestry، internal relationships of a family members and understanding of love and affection while concerning documentary photographs، the function of photograph reference to past is taken as a ‘witness’ for acknowledging a historical event. On reference as witness in documentary photography، some believe that photographic images are among the items being collected and organized by historians to explore the past. In 19th century and after the photography invention، gradually to emphasize the originality، the use of phrases such as ‘adopted from the original copy of photograph’ has become widespread and since then photograph has been used as a witness. Reading personal photographs، reference alone clarifies the past as an apparent، gone reality and astonishes the viewer with its knowledge of the era which has passed. ‘Witness’، here، means the privacy of the understanding process between the audience and the photograph. Roland Barthes in his last book، Camera Lucida، speaks of»reference «as the essence of the photograph; the reference to» that-has-been «، existing as a present and acting element in the photograph. The paper studies the existentness of past time in the photo context while explaining the different features of» referring to the past «in private photos. It as well tries to explore how the audience’s reading، interpreting the photograph is affected by these» references«as the photograph being.
    Keywords: private photos, there, being of referent, Roland Barthes, past time, reference
  • Ali Asadpour, Mohsen Faizi, Farhang Mozaaffar, Mostafa Behzadfar Pages 13-22
    There are many studies on citizens’ subjective perceptions. What these studies have in common is the notion of «mental image» which is something intangible and intangible. Images، the result of the interaction between humans and the environment includes a person’s mental awareness of their environment. Cognitive maps and mental images is an important issue in the fields of urban design and urban contemporary. And، more recently، has become one of the important issues in architecture. Mental images and cognitive maps are considered as kinds of tool to achieve internal representation of the environment. Eligible، manipulated and even empty mental images and cognitive maps in urban landscape makes the formation of landscape which could be defined as any parts of environment that is limited to knowledge and conscious of place، a problematic issue. Although mental maps، also called cognitive maps، are a centerpiece of geographic research، they are perhaps most widely associated with Kevin Lynch، an architect and planner. Mental maps are cartographic representations of how people differ in their evaluation of places. Our mental maps become more complex over time when we incorporate information derived from indirect as well as direct experience. In addition to the personal experience the mental map is influenced by the reputation of the area in general. A variety of methods and techniques have been derived and experienced in recent decades. Several methods have been used in cognitive mapping to elicit the organized representations of a given environment. These include the direct-mapping procedure adopted by Lynch and others، construction of preference maps and the use of questionnaires in more sophisticated statistical procedures multidimensional scaling procedures and computer scanning techniques. The direct-mapping technique is marked by attempts on the part of the individual to create a map of an environment as mental image. It is thus distinguished from other methods involving maps constructed on the basis of information provided by respondents and drawn indirectly by the investigator. This diversity makes comparative study of methods of extracting images a necessary work and makes such work essential in investigating and comprehensive understanding of their strengths and weaknesses in particular represents. In this study، by using a combination of strategies، such as qualitative strategy and classification of data new typology has been derived from many sources of data. Literature review and analysis of relevant aspects of the transfer and an attempt has been fully studied yet concisely and is mentioned. The hypothesis is based on the similarities and differences between methods that can be extracted from cognitive maps as a way to classify images which enables building theoretical model or models. Finally، explained the model to provide a comprehensive representation of the environment. This model emphasizes on the strengths and weaknesses of the grounds that will be reduced. Finally، the results of the analysis and evaluation are evolving in interpretive approach. The results of this study showed that different species of concepts in the field of mental - Conceptual maps could be recognizable which could be divided in to two categories; «Topological representation» and «conceptual representations». The methodology for obtaining images and cognitive maps are indivisible in two categories; first «Design - drawing models (reproductive)» and «recognition-assessment models - (non-reproductive)». Analyzing the methods of representing mental maps in general led to a comprehensive model for the representation of landscape and urban environment which in terms of the methodology consists of «mental maps» and «conceptual maps». Extraction of cognitive maps in order to achieve «the common cognitive map» of the represented environment is dealing with some weakness. First of all is «weakness of simplification process» which removes the elements of graphic quality and its details as a result. And other is «weak graphics system» which is limited to the five elements of Lynch and the two scale of measurement in definition. In general، this visual system for representation of the natural factors in urban landscape and the quality of the drawing could not be extended. In this sense، the research on the urban landscape requires its own graphical language definition. Finally، «the impossibility of comparing results in different ways»، especially because of the nature and methodology of the evaluation procedures and graphics that only can be used in parallel. The use of new technology tools such as global communication networks (Internet and media) and computer software and simulation، and as in the near future as the primary tool and then take shape as a new way. Today، there exists traces of it in the visible public preference studies. However، these studies indicate that these tools and methods are not used in research.
    Keywords: Mental images, Cognitive maps, Landscape, Environment, Methodology, Typology
  • Narges Aghabozorg, Heshmatollah Motedayen Pages 23-40
    Nowadays our cities require communal spaces more than anything else. Squares have played a role of communal space in the city since long time ago. Presence of Iranian square with its own feature in Iranian cities is an inalienable necessity. We can search these features in the historical squares at the top of which Naghsh-e Jahan is. Discovering the ideological origins of Naghsh-e Jahan features can lead to the design principles of a governmental square. Different theories have been presented about why such a square was built. Some considered it as the rival of Atigh square in Isfahan and some noted it as evolution of the two former Safavid squares (in the former Safavid capitals، Tabriz and Qazvin). But the verity is something beyond these claims. A few articles and books have been published hitherto about the each of these monuments’ design. For example an article about some common features of the three Safavid squares has published. But Naghsh-e Jahan square is not only the evolution of the two former ones and it also has deep ideological origins. Research method of this paper is Interpretative- historical. This point of view interprets the resemblance of the monuments at the same culture. The existence of some features of Naghsh-e Jahan in Saheb-abad and Saadat squares confirmed their common ideological origins since historic، cultural، political and geographical link reduce the possibility of randomness in this resemblance. The time of construction of Sheikh Safi Al-din-e Ardebili’s shrine - who was the disciple of Safavid kings - was before Safavid squares. Naghsh-e Jahan was built on the order of Shah Abbas I. He had a great devotion to Sheikh and went to visit Sheikh’s shrine repeatedly. The comparison of the Shrine and the three Safavid squares lead to some common religious features. These common features was extracted from historical texts and tried to be closer to their original ones. The concepts and ideological origins could be understood by classification، analysis and study of the common features. The classified common features are as follows: 1. The location in the city 2. The direction of the building and the location of Ivan 3. Illumination and fireworks in the Iranian garden 4. Bazzar، mosque and the Moharram rituals 5. Display of military power 6. Naghare-khane. 7. Extent، proportions، geometry and the walls. The features with governmental origins and also a flavor of religion were obtained: The link between nation and government as a new Safavid feature، Ivan of the power in the west، The new bazaar and mosque in the competition with Atigh Bazaar and mosque and Performing Moharram rituals as a new Shiite feature in the square comparable to a great Tekkie. Ultra-human extent، display military power in the game of Polo and pride in military power with a flavor of religion. Features with religious origins and also a flavor of government were achieved: The direction of square in accordance with the movement of the sun، the presence of trees، water and fire as sacred elements of ancient culture of Iran، Naghare-khane. The proportion of 1 to 3 close to proportion of Khiaban as a new feature of Safavi، Geometry and symmetry and spatial hierarchy and enclosement. Contrary to presented theories، Naghsh-e Jahan had unique features in its time. Many of its features have been owned to the concept of power and religious thoughts. It pioneered Saheb-abad، Saadat and Atigh. All of the royalty and governmental elements were collected in this square. What was necessary to boast was displayed in this square. In general، the Safavid governmental squares signify the similar desire of a powerful government. This new desire has been established in this period of time and can be named as Safavid Bar-e aam (levee). In addition to the stabilization of the king power، the safavid square version relayed the link between the king and the nation. Naghsh-e Jahan could be used as a symbol of governmental square for the display of governmental authority. Although after that time a square such as Naghsh-e Jahan didn’t build and Tupkhane squares prevailed، it is possible to consider the Tehran Baharestan square as an updated case of governmental square that could have signs of Naghsh-e jahan with the flavor of Islam and nation.
    Keywords: Naghsh e jahan square_Iranian Govermental Square_Safavid Squares_Sheikh Safi shrine
  • Mohsen Honarvar, Reza Pasian Khamri, Mohadeseh Taravat Pages 41-58
    Human beings are inherently in relation and interaction with each other. In fact، these interactions make them able to satisfy their needs. The set of these actions (social interaction، neighborhood ties، participation and so many other concepts) that are gathered under social capital concept، are among most important concerns of urban designers، planners and managers which has a significant role in creating a sense of place، place affiliation، residential satisfaction، place identity and other place qualities. This importance of the issue has led many of researchers and theorists to introduce place as a social phenomenon by linking place meanings with lived experiences. So، if we consider the enforcement of these social factors، called in this paper as social capital، as one of the urban plans` goal، looking at the past of Iranian society would reveal many positive and negative points of Iranian social relationship for social neighboring، civic participation and collective life which help contemporary society to achieve their goals. Therefore the current research aim in assessment of social capital dimension in Old Iranian society has scrutinized Old Persian literature as a mirror of culture and life of ancestors. In other words it seems that literature as a written heritage of the past and the brightest of each nation worldview can play a significant role in discovering and understanding people social actions and particularly social capital dimensions. Old Persian literature such as other languages literature contains rich treasures of anecdotes، fables، allegories and Proverbs that not only express philosophical and Theosophical views among people but also discovers invisible points of social capital in people’s social relationship. In fact، a part of literature belongs always to social issues and reveals myths and secrets in people ties. So the current study aims to analyze social relationship tradition in Iranian society and it has assessed triple Dimensions of social capital in Old Persian literature text by reviewing social capital’s definition. Therefore in a qualitative system of inquiry، based on historical- interpretive approach by using content analysis، this essay tries to study three dimensions of social Capital in literature books such as Khamse Nezami، Masnavi Manavi and Gholestane Saadi. The result of this paper shows that Iranian social capital is based on bonding ties and neighborhoods as a significant expression of social networks and the most determinative and predictive factor of social interaction، norms، trust in urban life of Iranian society. In fact system of neighborhoods includes community of interests (such as race، religion، occupation) and community of place which is the most important evidence of intergroup bonds and intragroup conflicts. Therefore while affective bonds inside each class or neighborhood are strong، the relation between different class and neighborhood or between people and upper class (such as government) is too weak. In other word despite western societies in which the relationships between citizens are among different groups، in urban spaces and in city scale، Iranian interactions were occurred within a group and in neighborhood scale، so that Bonding Networks are more powerful than Bridging Network in Social Networks. Furthermore، although Collaboration Norms and Trust in micro and middle level are desirable but Trust in macro level and Bonding Networks are not. It seems that People Participation in management of Public space and prioritization of NGOs as an interface of public and governmental sphere can have significant role in improving Bridging Social Capital.
    Keywords: Old Persian Literature, Social Capital, Social Network, Trust, Norms
  • Hassan Akbari, Mohammadsharif Moradsoltan, Seyed Mahmoud Mireskandari, Hamidreza Karami Pages 59-68
    Regarding the fact that this is the first report about the collection of bridges، we aim to determine the purpose why these structures had been made. Loor Site had been settled during the late Sassanid and the early Islamic Period. When had this bridge been made? How was it shaped? How had it been made? Had it just been made for the aim of trafficking or could it have been used for other purposes as well? What had been the cause of its collapsing? What is the bridge made of? Looking briefly at the history of human life، we can conclude that they were always required to carry materials، to merchandise، and to perform military operations using these bridges. One of the most essential subjects with this regard had been about ways and transportation networks، on which human being’s development had been based. As a matter of fact، the process of extending roads in Iran has a very old and long history. Khorasan Road and trading lapis lazuli stones from east of Iran and soapstone from south-eastern Iran indicates this. Permanent and temporary rivers spanned from east to west of Iran and Mesopotamia had been an obstacle in building roads. Reliefs had been another obstacle to this process; however، bridges to some extent. Bridges had played an important role in bringing، keeping and extending human communication. Bridges in Iran had brought about a condition to communicate with adjacent nations. In some parts of Iran، bridges had not been a means to trafficking or connecting to points to each other، but they had been for other activities performed at banks of rivers، such as being used as promenade (Isfahan) or bazaar (Tabriz)، Achaemened bridges، water mills in Khuzestan which were used as bridges. The bridge in this research had connected Khuzestan to Lorestan and is one of the bridges being built upon Loor River for the purpose of facilitating trafficking. The structure of the bridge is in a shape that had provided both drinking water and enough energy for milling. This is the way they had managed their structure as a multi-tasking construction. This set of constructions includes a bridge and some subsidiary constructions، situated within Lor Site. Loor Dam or Set is a smaller version of bridges used in Khuzestan، which is located in Loor Site، Andimeshk. This set includes bridges and canals for transferring water as well as unknown constructions at the bank of the river. These constructions are determined to belong to Ilkhani Period، because their architecture and location in Loor Site indicates that they had been built during Middle Islamic Period. These constructions are to some extent similar to water constructions in Shoushtar and Behbahan. Characteristics of the set of Lor constructions Loor Bridge-Dam is located 200 m northern Andimeshk Beltway، at 32o 28’ 31’’ northern latitude; 048o 21’ 28’’ eastern longitude; and 145 m above the sea level. Furthermore، this structure is located 350 m eastern Eritrin Town. This had been built upon Loor River، which had been one of the branches of Dez River (River had changed into a ravine). This bridge had vertically been built upon river at an east-western side. The base and walls of bridge-dam is built on the compact sand and stones at riverbed. What has remained are only a pillar، two broken piers and some bases of the bridge. Other parts of the bridge-dam and dependent constructions are scattered around because of floods، while some unshaped pieces are scattered around the banks of river. The breakwater on the pillar of the bridge is a pentagon or rhombus. To determine the exact location of the bridge، they started by choosing the narrowest waterway، which ran slower compared to other parts. They tried to locate the pillars of the bridge، so that they are constructed on stone just like lots of other historical bridges. They have determined the location of pillars correctly because bases are still on their place، with maybe very insignificant movements. It seems as if the architect had constructed pillars and bases on the stone riverbed first، then he had turned water to run under the bridge، or this turn had been a deflective canal to lead water under the bridge for the period when the bridge had been constructed. This bridge had been built in a Sassanid method just like Lorestan Bridges or the Islamic Bridge، Dokhtar. They were laid around pillars lots of grit bricks، filled with rubbles and limestone grout. Around these constructions، there were discovered some pieces of potteries which belonged to Middle and Early Islamic Periods. These potteries are all glazed green، while others are not glazed but include carved motifs.
    Keywords: Aquatic Structure, Loor, Bridge, Water Mill, Polband(Dam)
  • Mostafa Rostami, Mohammadreza Chitsaz, Mostafa Mansourabadi Pages 69-80
    Musical instrument classification is one of the main branches of Ethnomusicology. Identifying cultural values and aesthetic standards can be understood through identification of musical instruments. In other words musical instrument classification is one of the most significant ways to understand the history of music in particular cultures and civilizations. In this regard، the Sassanid period in the history of art and civilization has high position. Sassanid period is one of the most important courses of art and civilization in Iranian history before Islam. In this period، position of art and artists experienced a high rising and prosperity. Music in Sassanid period had a prominent place in people’s lives and in imperial court. The signs in promotion of of music position can be comprehended in the illustration of Sassanid period and also in gestures of travelogues of the western explorers. Remains illustrations of the Sassanid period such as stone reliefs، metal and ceramic plates are the most important resource in the study of music and musical instruments of the period. In some of these illustrations with images of musical instruments، mythical creatures and grape branches have also been located next to the musicians. Musical instruments types in illustrations of the Sassanid period include string instruments، wind instruments، Percussion instrument and idiophones. Among these musical instruments wind instruments and comprise the majority of illustrations after string instruments. The results of this study indicates that wind instruments depicted in the illustration of this period include Syrinx، Double Reeds (Double Reeds)، Moshtak، Sorna، Trumpet، and Horn. Syrinx is one of musical instruments in illustrations of the Sassanid period. Syrinx was brought to Iran by western art. The instrument consists of small straws that are wrapped with a sling. Double reed is composed of two separate straws. The double reed instruments in the Images were illustrated as a solo instrument. Moshtak images، as a Musical Instruments، can be seen only in the Sassanid period. This instrument consists of several short straws that set in an air chamber. Musician، to play Moshtak، breathe through the tubes that come out of the instrument. In this period، Sorna can be seen in many illustrations. Stringer in Sassanid illustrations is shown as a solo player. Sassanid Trumpet instrument is similar to trumpets use in Mashhad and the Northern of Iran. Musicians hold the instrument and blow into it. Horn instrument is divided into three distinct categories: The first category is long horn، the second category is curved horn and the third category is small horn. This study performed in the descriptive analysis method، and the data collection method was library documents use.
    Keywords: Wind Instruments, Sassanid Period, Music, Illustration
  • Pages 81-90
    For the first time in the modern cultural bio-world، the British political-cultural elites formed a multidimensional phenomenon of international exhibitions called The Crystal Palac Exhibition which led to new national-international readings. One of these readings was the opportunity for linking arts and politics – between the ability of reproduction of art work and the array and design of political forces. Considering this linkage، the present descriptive-explanatory research which is depending on reliable library، visual، and digital resources attempts to show how the arts were utilized in favor of the political goals of Britain. In order to answer this question appropriately، this research is undoubtedly trying to study the experience of the Crystal Palace Expo and provide an image by defining its general view in its content as the independent variable and its form as the dependent variable; in such a way that it will be able to infer the political procedures-artistic approaches of the exhibition and then define the method of using the arts as a powerful tool for affecting national-international British politics. According to the results، the British political-cultural elite have befitted from arts in three ways. Naturally، such befitting indicates the realization of certain achievements as the profile of the present study which has led to the political goals of Britain in the exhibition 1851: In the first step، by being aware of the components of the dominant intellectual movements in the nineteenth century، they arranged the effecting factors which led to the mentioned exhibition in Britain in a proceeding linear timeline. They reproduced the arts in a modern scene of architectural expressions based on an innovative idea from the values of technology; thus، they reached a feeling of satisfaction from technological developments along with raising awareness and spreading it among the people. So، (through lawful public agreement)، they could attract the support and involvement of people in major national capitalistic industries and technologies; expand the economy development plans of their country and penetrate among the intellectual class of the nation by stating that Britain is progressing towards distinct paths and this progress can be a tangible reality indicating that the situation will improve. In such a way that nationalistic policies led Britain to expand and maintain its power both among the public and intellectual class. As the second step، they started to categorize the works of art according to their location into three groups titled as «industrial arts»، «fine arts»، and «handcrafts and tribal arts» and exhibited them. In the category of industrial arts، they separated industrial works of art from others، especially fine arts، by putting utmost emphasis on the visual characteristics of these industrial items along with defining an artistic-industrial object for them. They aimed at creating a modern participation for elevating the key affecting factors of the British industry، which had developed during a long period of time to a highly progressed level of quality and quantity، to a competitive international level. They pushed forward the assimilation and mass production procedures of the produced commodities in the realm of arts; created a positive understanding from the capacity of mass production and production cost saving by benefitting from machine-based industries for improving their commodity-based capitalism; created the foundation of a kind of investment and invited people to support and participate in such remarkable forms of capitalism. Based on the policy of capitalism in dynamic capitalistic economy، these achievements enabled them to accomplish the other goal of Britain which was further economic development and commodity-based profit making. For the third step، by having a kind of understanding from the situation of the colonized countries، they exhibited these nations in the symbolic form of artistic works and customs، as well as allocating special places for marching، choir singing with native costumes، and performing plays related to their traditional and native issues; in such a way that in an ethnical categorization of the productions of the countries of the empire، they have created an opportunity for the British industry to improve their situation with allocating funds، skills، and their own specific knowledge to show the maturity of the nature of their industry in the new environment of international competition. As such، these contradicting exhibitions enabled them to build a hierarchy of information about legitimizing their modern monopolistic productivity. Also they could inform their industries about colonial arts as economic resources and persuade them to get involved in business markets of «handcrafts and tribal arts»; thus destabilizing the use of arts in handcrafts and tribal arts in accordance with their imperialistic policies and their financial interests، and share that with their own society in order to internationally empower Britain in a legitimate manner.
    Keywords: International Exhibitions, Expo, Crystal Palace, Britain, Arts, Politics
  • Pages 91-106
    The ‘Transfer of Land Use Rights’ program also called ‘maskan-e-mehr’ with the aim of building one million residential units for low-income Iranian families has been initiated since 2007 by providing facilities such as interest free loans، land price elimination، land preparation and also discounted licensing costs. ‘Maskan-e-mehr’ program due to the involvement of various public and private sectors in many ways represents the situation of Iran’s housing construction projects. Hence the review of projects in this program may recover many hidden aspects that influence the achievement of objectives and planning in the field of housing construction in Iran. Not only the state has not been successful in the establishment of social justice as the main objective of this program but today after four years of execution of the project، yet the main challenge is managing how to complete unfinished buildings. The aim of this paper is to provide a systematic approach to identify the obstacles in achieving the objectives of ‘maskan-e-mehr’ program. In this regard Mahdasht Project، one of the major housing projects is selected as case study to explore the problems and their associated reasons. Mahdasht project with an area of 150 hectares and 10،476 residential units was commenced in early April 2010 with the cooperation of 25 contractors. According to the plan all units were due to be completed between late June and the end of 2011. But at the end of the due date، only 63% of the plan was delivered and less than 10% of the residential units were completed because of the lack of infrastructure from one side and the lack of ability to exploit the existing infrastructures from the other side. Due to the complexity of the research problem، its diversity، socioeconomic and executional issues as well as the need for in-depth information، the qualitative interview method is applied to this study. Focusing on the objectives and project plan، top level managers of all contractor companies، two of the state project managers and three of the senior state executives were interviewed. Ultimately، in order to extract and explore the fundamental social concepts underlying the data، the Grounded theory methodology developed by Glaser was used for the data analysis. To avoid the negative impacts of reviewing the literature by the researchers on the interview process، in the grounded theory method a theoretical sensitivity is developed which is in fact a preliminary study of the literature on cognition of ‘maskan-e-mehr’ program and its objectives. In the next step the methodology، findings، and theoretical framework are discussed. As the first step of the grounded theory in this paper the data from interview is conceptualized to form the appropriate categories. Therefore in the first stage of interviews، senior managers of contractors are involved. In each interview، 26 open questions are asked at the five general subjects. The outcome of this stage is 19 sub-categories in each of the various dimensions of the ‘maskam-e-mehr’ program. Reviewing memos and repeated visits to the scripted Interviews، attempt to create a more comprehensive categories. The three major categories of «climate of the public sector»، «climate of the private sector» and «lack of infrastructure to provide ‘maskam-e-mehr’ objectives» were derived which include all the previous 19 sub-categories. In the next step in order to saturate the categories، other contractors were interviewed and theoretical samplings were conducted to explore the hidden aspects of the major categories. At the end of this stage new sub-categories related to each of the major categories were discovered. All the major categories produced from categorization referred to the central category of «the obstacles of achieving the objectives of ‘maskam-e-mehr’ program». Thus the second stage of the interview for data enrichment is planned and executed using selective coding techniques focused on the central category. In this regard، two of the middle managers and three senior government executives are interviewed. In each interview 13 questions on three subjects were proposed. This stage had a main finding that the Iranian public and private sectors’ climate suffers from a destructive interaction cycle. So this was added as a new major category to the central category. In the next step memos and diagrams were utilized together to show possible relationships and the outcome of this is the following four propositions: The lack of infrastructure in ‘maskam-e-mehr’ program is the main cause of its failure The climates of the public and private sectors mutually reinforce each other The climates of the public and private sectors، made the climate of ‘maskam-e-mehr’ program. The climate of the ‘maskam-e-mehr’ program has intensified the impact of the ‘lack of infrastructure’ in the failure of the program to achieve its objectives. As the last step of the research، an extensive literature review is conducted to complete the proposed theoretical framework. The outcome of this stage is a new major category of «failure to observe the necessary measures of the design-build project delivery system». In conclusion، based on an analysis of data from the interviews and the literature study، it is implied that despite of the efforts was made in the development of objectives، laws، regulations and administrative sheets، the program has failed to achieve its objectives and plans. The main reason for this issue might be the lack of infrastructure of delivering such program in Iran and failure to observe the necessary measures of the design-build project delivery system. Factors such as the strengthening cycle of public and private sector climates amplified this condition. It seems that development of plans regardless of implementing needed infrastructures is not sufficient and the success of such programs in addition to providing the necessary infrastructure requires major reforms to the destructive interaction between the public and private sector climates.
    Keywords: Maskan, e mehr program, ý Mass, housing, Mahdasht maskan, e mehr project
  • Pages 107-116
    The concepts of «Bala-Shahr» and «Paeen-Shahr» in Iranian cities (especially big cities) have been particularly important and are used in people’s conversations and authorities’ speeches. «Bala» means up and «Paeen» means down and «Shahr» means city. Downtown is a term primarily used in North America to refer to a city’s core or Central Business District and uptown is the residential part of a city away from the commercial center. But for Persian speakers، There are different perceptions towards «Bala-Shahr» and «Paeen-Shahr»; For instance Bala-Shahr may mean as high culture and social status of its inhabitants، high and physical facilities and amenities of the area، high-income residents، where house prices are more expensive، higher rent costs، higher cost of living، and the higher alpine areas of the city، etc. However، these concepts have not been studied in urban studies literature of Iran. The purpose of this study is to introduce these specific concepts of Iranian cities. We needed to use the content analysis method، since the lack of resources that directly discusses the concepts. Hence، this method is used to describe the phenomena with limited research literature or existing theories. The main questions of this study are the «what is the concepts of Bala-Shahr and Paeen-Shahr in semantic fields of Persian language?» and «what shapess these notions in people’s minds?» To meet the research aims، we tried to study the theme with a comprehensive view، from the surface to the deep layers. Relying on phenomenological theories of linguistics، two categories were considered for this research: «conceptual elements» that makes meanings and «criteria» from the perspective of the people. In «conceptual elements» study، the semantic field of Bala and Paeen were used to define that why whatever is good and desirable is up [Bala] and whatever is bad and undesirable is down [Paeen]. In this study، four aspects were considered: terminology، morphophonemic، metaphors and mythology. In order to find the factors that affect the formation of these concepts from the opinions of the people، the content analysis method was used. Information of this part gathered through interviews in the city of Isfahan and was analyzed with content analysis techniques. The results of this part showed that the inner core meaning of the Bala and Paeen in Persian language is expression of degree ratings. In fact، the Bala and Paeen in Persian language doesnt not merely indicate the direction or height and it seems Bala-Shahr and Paeen-Shahr definitions have meaning beyond the height or direction. Also، in «criteria» part، two general opinion approaches were partitioned; one distinguishes it from environmental factors considered and other seeks the difference in the criteria related to the people. The results showed that people who recognize Bala-Shahr and Paeen-Shahr refer to criteria that are less attributable to the environment. Drawing a conclusion، we can claim that Bala-Shahr and Paeen-Shahr are quite relative in correspondence with the values. So، a constant definition with variables and parameters، always has not inferred it. This research tries to express through the systematic view with the components of «conceptual elements» and «criteria»، which are in mutual relations، to explain the Bala-Shahr and Paeen-Shahr.
    Keywords: Bala, Shahr, Paeen, Shahr, Content Analysis, Semantic Field, Conceptualization
  • Pages 117-128
    Tehran, the capital of Iran, before the destruction of its green structures from first Pahlavi era (1925-1941 A.D.), intensified within last twenty years, has had a close-tangled texture of urban constructions between gardens. Iranian Garden of fruitful and fruitless, has modeled an essential component of the urban texture, combined with other components such as school, Reliance, tomb, mosque, Saqakhaneh and…, or in the form of collective green spots, has stabilized traditions "city walk" and "Pilgrimage - Recreation" in the city. Urban complexs formed in the gardens neighborhood that are frequently micro-scale, have higher "Behavioral Density" than modern large parks formed in the appearance of modernism in Tehran. Other excellence of these urban gardens is their more coordination with Tehran morphological basic layer that is affected by five essential river-valleys elongated north to south. This coordination leads to forming the hierarchy of structural and behavioral patterns that are defined on the basis of the different height of river-valleys points (ridges, foothills and the bottom lines) integrated with cultural paradigms of an Islamic-Persian society. As goes before, patterns of formation the urban gardens in Tehran has been under influence of three important factors:Five essential river-valleys in the urban morphological layer Water fountain-heads as origins of civilization Urban social context, defining an integration between gardens and public spaces Tehran mid-urban gardens have been cared in the most of political, governmental and instructive literature, but it has done in a descriptive approach avoiding them from ranking in the formal garden typology. Urban gardens might not prominently considered for optical basics or ideological aspects, but these gardens have had distinguish behavioral origins in the field of neighborhood units communications. In this paper, gathering data is done through the study of important case studies in a specified historic period. Besides using the historical research method, field researches have been done to identify the correctness of historic patterns that have remained at present. The results of this verification have come in comprehensive diagrams. This paper is an attempt to explain the role of gardens in the formation of urban public spaces and also classification of the structural patterns based on the garden in Tehran. Main research questions considered in this field can be the following questions: What factors have been essential for Tehran garden’s sustainability in traditional urban texture? Cutting of what inter-texture communications, leads to isolation and quality decrease of these gardens today?What kinds of unique micro-cultures in Tehran have declined through emitting micro-scale gardens and replacing with un-native cultures? We concentrated Tehran gardens, but furthermore, there were agricultural landscapes and endowed farms in southeast fields of city, such as "Rei" and "Doulab", in the vicinity of tombs, known as creation spaces of the poor people in weekends.Many of Tehran gardens are the case studies that confirm different garden typology cases, but in this paper the strongest type has discussed as case studies, also in an analogical manner, Behavioral Density is defined as Behavioral Content/Event Space and for more sensibility, Event Spaces is defined as a fracture of Tehran university space (V). Hybrid patterns with gardens, especially before first Pahlavi era have been observed in multiple roles as follows:- Origin of civilization, case study: "Emamzadeh-saleh" garden - Landscape Garden, case study: Emamzadeh-Ghasem garden - Transforming a symbolic landscape element to a garden, case study: "Haft Chenar" in "Beryanak" - Myth-memorial-garden (especially in poor south urban wards): case study: "Javanmard Ghasab" Tomb-Garden - "Endowed Garden" as a religious-social tradition: case study: "Marvi" garden - Place of pilgrimage-recreation, case study: "Bagh-Peste-Beyk" complex The most important distinction of above-mentioned patterns than the modern strategies discussed after 1970, such as "Agropolitan" approach or strategy for reciprocal rural – urban linkage, is in formation process in a long time period and gradually coordination with unique basic layers of city. A Modernism current has decreased the Behavioral Density of urban public spaces. Extra large-scale has threatened past stabilized "Behavioral Stations", and this scale hasn’t had the ability of creation new public spaces, for its characteristics such as crudeness, dullness, rigidity and inflexibility. In Tehran, in the middle of "Ghajar" era (1795-1925 A.D.), governmental large gardens such as "Eshrat-abab", "Doshan tappe" and etc were founded with structures in European style. In "Mozaffari" era "zoo" appeared as an incoming element in gardens. Finally foundation of urban great parks represented the aristocratic concepts of environment and planting. As a result, democratic traditions integrated with "life style" in neighborhood units weakened. Anyway, value of urban gardens had preserved for public until first Pahlavi era. Modernism outcomes in Tehran initiated from performing of the "Khiabankshi" map, and this approach was so harmful for those public spaces known as Behavioral Stations of pedestrian flows. In next decades, the current of forgetting has led to declination of garden’s spiritual value for pop and finally replacing with built masses.
    Keywords: Tehran, Urban garden, behavior setting, behavior density