نشریه معرفت سیاسی
سال ششم شماره 2 (پیاپی 12، پاییز و زمستان 1393)

Human dignity has been the subject of speculation and inquiry in Islamic teachings and in the international system of human rights. The importance of this topic in the Quranic approach is ascribed to the role which this meaning has of the man in the creation system in general and in the political system in particular, while in the system of human right's attention is given to the idea of the basis of human dignity for the recognition of human rights and citizen rights. Although the issue of human dignity has a long history, what attract the attention of thinkers and politicians today is its free-reaching effects on the legal system and political system. The evaluation of what has been stated about this term depends on the semantic understanding and recognition of its fundamental approach. The claim concerning the semantic and basic root shown in different scientific field including the political system of Islam is related to the understanding of the Quranic meaning of this word. The Quranic term of dignity means having the power of reasoning and thought although the Quran expects that the aim and direction of thought in social and politic relations will be based on divine piety. The results show that this word is viewed more seriously, deeply and differently than it was in the past.

In order to regulate social relations, a government and political governor need to give orders concerning prescriptions and proscriptions on one hand, and people have to obey these orders, on the other hand. This kind of relationship, which is called '' ruler's authority over the citizens'', makes one pose this question according to what right does the government exercise authority over the people of society? In other words, why must people obey the political governor? Concerning the justifications and answers to this question, we can refer to the theory of citizen's satisfaction. It is according to this theory, i.e people's will and satisfaction that the dos and donts which are issued by government are rendered valid. In addition to generalizing this theory by most political philosophers and explaining the different sides of satisfaction, the present paper evaluates its philosophical documentary evidence.

The Glurious Quran, which is the book of the last religion and divine eternity, contains coherent ideas about the political and religious dimensions of life. A number of orientalists believe in the historical unity of the holy Quran not in its natural unity and politics, therefore they hold that only Madinan verses are concerned with politics. This approach does not conform with the view presented in this paper. In fact, in the Meccan verses of the Quran politics and governance are given special attention, and this, in turn, shows the natural unity of the Quran as well as the relationship between, Islam and politics. Therefore, this paper investigates the question of the government of the prophet (s) in Surah: Sad. Dealing with political issues, this surah, which is one the meccan surahs, shows that the fundamental merging of political Islam is noticed not only in the existence of the government which was under the authority of the prophet also when Islam was a social minority group and the prophet was not able to establish a government yet. The present paper seeks to investigate Surah: Sad, a Meccan surah, which was revealed in midstream of the prophet's mission i.e between the sixth and ninth years of his prophecy. This surah confirms the stability of the prophet's political power and establishment of his religious government, pointing out to its two main challenges. Moreover, it is understood from this surah that at all time there are competent people in Islamic society for running the religious government, people whose minds and souls devil can never cross.

Ayatollah Brujerdi, one of the famous contemporary Shiah jurists and religious authorities, adopted theoretical principles and was involved in a political activity when he dealt with Pahlavi the second. The fact that Ayatollah Brujerdi and Imam Khomeini were contemporaneous with Pahlavi regime and have high positions as religious authorities in succession at that time is worth considering, by making a comparative study of their political in dealing with the second Pahlavi. This help us see whether or not there is conforming between the activity of each of them and find whether or not Ayatollah Brujerdi's reaction, if he remained alive, would be similar to Imam Khomeini's reaction against shah regime's insistence on in performing the American reforms, Using an analytical approach based on a documental study, this paper investigates Ayatollah Brujerdi's thought and political activities against the policy of the previous regime and compares them with those of Imam Khomeini. The findings of the study show that Ayatollah Brujerdi's political activities are similar to those of Imam Khomaeini and as a prelude to the movement which ended in Imam Khomeini's revolution.

The relationship of the seminary (Hawzah) with the Islamic system and the engagement of the clerics in politics are among the important issues which are viewed from different angles. This paper seeks to present a realistic picture of an evaluation of these two important issues according to the students of Qom seminary. For conducting this study, a survey research and means of questionnaires were used and 650 seminarians (male and female) were chosen from second and higher levels. The findings of the study show that, more than 96 percent of them advocate the idea of tight union of the destiny of Islamic system with the seminaries schools and more than 80 percent of them consider the relation between the Islamic system and the clerics a relation between protection and advice. 97/1 percent of them completely agree about the necessity of the cleric's participation in the social, political changes of the society. 93/2 percent of them consider that the indifference in opinion among the clerics concerning the political issues of society has harmful effect on religion, and only 18/6 percent see that the engagement of the seminary in the political affairs causes people to abandon religion. Moreover, exploring the relationship between the basic variables and the stated variables show that, despite the differences in the seminarian's basic characteristics, they share the same view in the way they evaluate the relationship between seminaries and Islamic system.

Democracy calls for tact and diplomacy and rejection of despotism whitin the framework of a triple side; legalism, political participation and supervision. The mentioned goal, based merely the on the triple side, seems far-reaching. The pages of history reveal the black record of democracy. Weakness or, in other words lack of, the fourth side, i.e morality, has made democracy, which apparently has a human nature, devoid of the sense of humanity. The fact is that democracy is proposed by man whose aim is to profit by other's intellectual ability and who acts as a profiteer, and as a selfish and exploitative creature. The attempts made by this creature to take power leads to outburst and contravention of all limitations including the rules of democracy. What makes man approve the characteristics which by democracy enjoys and which somehow correspond to ethical rules is that democracy has developed in as a logical and justifiable ground. But the little-known fact is that most of the schools democracy which advocate are unable to provide such ground for democracy and their claims about democracy-seeking have no signs in social realities. The present paper investigates the mentioned issue by concentrating on liberalism as the great advocate of democracy. The research result shows that liberal rationality cannot contribute to the cultivation and fertility of democracy. In fact, liberalism renders ethical rules invalid by ordering rationality according to humanism, individualism, secularism and profit-seeking and then shows that observing democracy rules only at the times when they are of benefit to man is not reasonable.

Political thought is divided, in terms of generality and permanence or with relation to a certain political environment, into two sorts. The author divides it into: fixed political thought and political pattern. Fixed political thought consists of a collection of abstract, total and constant propositions in the realm of politics and it has to do with no particular political environment, time and place. Ti the contrary, political pattern is a collection of objective propositions in the realm of politics which is principally concerned with political environment. In other words, political pattern is part of political thought which is presented to meet the political environment, and, by resting of fixed political principles and thoughts, show a desirable governmental pattern which can conform with that period to the largest extent. When evaluating the relation of political action with the two above mentioned thoughts we can say that although there is a lot of relations between political action and political pattern, one can have access to fixed political thought through a difficult political action.