نشریه ایراس
سال ششم شماره 8 (پاییز و زمستان 1391)

Although the Iranians know Russian nation and state by the diaries written within a thousand years, the most famous and effective itineraries were written in Qajar era, about 18th century. Before then, Ibn Fadzlan, Ibn Batuteh and Oruj Beik’s manuscripts also included some descriptions of Russia. But writing itineraries at Qajar era became a governmental duty of state officials and embassies. So, in this era, about 25 itineraries were written about Russia; among which, 15 are about general journeys to Russia and other countries and about 10 are specifically on journeys to Russia. What are the characteristics of these itineraries and what is the impact of which on the Iranians’ differentiating understanding of the Russians? How was these all affected policy making progress and bilateral relations of 2 countries? Can it be regarded as a Russiology trend in Iran? These are questions attempted to answer in this paper.

Writing about Russians and translating their works into Persian have always had a great and undeniable place in Persian language and literature. This trend, started since previous centuries, has continued to survive despite all ups and downs. This study aims to analyze and classify all Persian and non- Persian (translated to Persian) works about Russia. The research is limited to a period of 150 years, from Qajar Dynasty until 1390(2011). In this aim, the researchers have chosen the books available in the National Library of Iran and have categorized them based on their subject matter and date of publication. Moreover, the wave of Russian studies in Iran in the mentioned period has been shown in separate charts.

The term Tajik defined differently and sometimes even opposite. Over the last two centuries, these definitions have been mostly given with ideological and political nuances. Who is a Tajik? In response to this question, in this article the most important definitions from reliable sources have been compiled and then discussed. Furthermore, the attempt is made to answer the question about the development of the terms Tajik, Tajik language and Tajik literary language respectively. The analysis revealed two important facts, one regarding what is written in old literature and history books and one concerning the meanings added to those definitions by cultural activists in Transoxania during the formation of the state of Tajikistan. In this regard, some of the political and cultural activists were regarded as the main force in changing the term Farsi to Tajik.

In almost all the literature that examines the economic and political situation in Central Asian countries and the former soviet nations as a whole, Turkmenistan is referred to as a country with a closed economic and political system. In the economic aspect, this system is known with the government’s tight control on the various economic sectors, a very weak private sector and a totally planned and single-product economy. During Safarmurat Niyazov’s reign, all of these features were clearly visible in the Turkmen economy; but since Gurbanguly Berdymuhammedov’s coming to power in 2007, some signs of change appeared in this process. However, what is at the stake is the extent to which the practice of these new policies and changes has been successful at providing a basis for Turkmenistan’s transition to another level and reaching a new sustainable principle and foundation. In the economic aspect - which is the main focus of this article - the issue could be raised as to what extent Berdymuhammedov’s reformist acts have been successful in moving Turkmenistan toward economic development? On this basis, by adopting the “modern liberal” approach as the basis of the analysis, this article tries to answer the question that whether Turkmenistan’s economic reforms in the Berdymuhammedov era have resulted in the economic development of the country. This article claims that although many of Berdymuhammedov’s acts could be classified under the notion of “economic reforms”, regarding the retain of government’s top status in the economy, the lack of infrastructural reforms and the structural and institutional problems in Turkmenistan, this is not possible to speak about economic development in this country.

Hizb ut-tahrir is a political-religious organization that its purpose, at first, is the revival of the life style in Islam and broadcasting this message across the world. Moreover, it aims at jihad with America, devastation of dependent regimes and establishment of a religious government on Sharia and Islamic Khalifa. This party while propagating simple but nice and attractive ideas, challenges the west model of secularism and tolerance (due to being compulsory) as well as the authoritarianism of the countries of the region; The authoritarianism of Central Asia status, inability to attract political groups and removal of social-economical problems have caused additional problems. It seems that there is a contrary relationship between the success of the secular governments of the region, deepening democracy and expansion of radicalism which, finally, leads to nothing. In this paper we are going to discuss the aspert of this view and the way that A.T. works to get this aimes by mesternes view.

Due to its vital role in the continuity of political and economic development of countries, providing energy is included in the formulated axioms and strategies in different countries of the world today. Therefore, America’s national security strategy of 2010 has placed the security of energy in a special position in the future of foreign policy of the country. Given that gas reserves and fossil energy resources are concentrated in specific regions of the world, the necessity for transference of these resources to the consumer markets is among the most strategic issues in the foreign policy of suppliers and consumers of energy. In this regard, geopolitics plays a key role in the resource transference management. In comparison with the other economic rivals in the region, Iran enjoys the shortest, safest, and the most frugal communication channel with international waters, Middle East and European countries. Consequently, extension of consultations, holding bilateral and regional seminars and meetings to further introduce this advantage, removing some misunderstandings and anti-Iranian propaganda, especially in relation to insecurity of Iran’s routes, and most important of all, more investment in infrastructure communication, particularly in the areas of road and railway are considered as the main priorities of Iran in economic field. As a result, according to the present advantages, to achieve the goals of the perspective document, the realm of foreign policy should benefit from great efforts of the authorities and those involved in the domain.

This paper investigates the role of Russia in the Persian Gulf. The hypothesis is that in accordance with the economic growth since late 90s, due to energy incomes as well as internal organization, Russians have been active in their foreign policy in the region. The active role of Russia has been studied relying on four factors of stability, economy and trade, energy, and strategic policy. The study suggests that Russia is planning to influence the areas which used to be under America’s influence, like Saudi Arabia, through regaining its role in the region as an emerging power, and forming the competition and cooperation pattern with the US at the same time.The findings are:1. Contrary to USSR that was looking for de-stabilization, Stability forRussia is very important.2. Economic and Political-geographical significance of the region forRussia plays an essential role in forming Russia's economic growth insidethe country and regulating a competitive but cooperative behaviour with theUS, abroad.3. Since stability and economy play a significant role for Russia in the region along with strategic issues, the new Russia is seeking to play a counterbalancing role in the region within its foreign policy framework.

This paper studies Putin second presidency and the future of Russian foreign policy in Central Asia and Caucasus. The question is how the re-presidency of Putin changes the Russian foreign policy in the region. The hypothesis is that Putin tries to create a network of political allies by bringing Central Asia and Caucasus states together; while Russia is (as in the past) again in power. The establishment of the Shanghai organization and the idea of formation of Eurasian Union are examples revealing Putin’s willingness to regenerate the Soviet Union and bring the former countries under control of Russia. This idea may challenge the goals and interests of the world powers (U.S.A. and E.U.) and other recent powerful countries in the region (even China and other powerful states of the region like Iran). It shows that this region is of great importance to Russia and in future, it will be the base of political tensions between these authorities.