نشریه مطالعات سیاسی
پیاپی 19 (بهار 1392)

Iran and Turkey are the two important countries in the region that despite their resemblance in identity, history and geopolitics, however through ought their past history have not been able to develop a quasi relationship. After the Islamic Revolution in Iran, the rise of an Islamic state in Turkey caused the expectations that the relations between the two sides despite their traditional conflict and competition, will lead to a greater cooperation between these two countries.. But relations between two sides in the last 10 years shows that although in the field of trade and economic relations have reached highest level, but in other field such as political and security, competition between the two countries Increased to an unusual tensions and sometimes confrontation conflict. This article after a brief looks at the effective fundamental factors to divergence between these two countries and finds the grounds for a better bilateral relationship and cooperation

Oil resources strategically have shown to have a major role in developing countries such as Iran. Entering of oil into the realm of Iranian social and political life and works has led to different results. This paper examines the relationship between political developments and oil industry in Iran with a "Renter State "approach model. Renter State model has utilized the theory of new utilitarianism. New utilitarian states have negative attitudes. This view is based on the government's actions all exchanges between authorities and their supporters. Here, the statesman or the benefits distributed directly among fans or by using a power law function to limit the market to make rent and for insiders and friends. In this framework, the social forces gain the benefits of getting involved in politics as a mediator or supporters of the system. However, this paper shows that political underdevelopment is the by product of being a renter state.

Golestan Province has a population composed of three ethnic groups namely "Turkmen", "Sistani" and a group of people with various socio-historical differences which are conventionally called Fars. The main objective in this research was to assess the level of consensus among three ethnic groups and find out the effect of age, gender and education on the attitude of each ethnic group toward other ethnic groups. The required data was gathered through a questionnaire completed by the individuals in the samples from each ethnic group. Findings show the level of consensus to be the highest between Turkmen and Sistani ethnic groups. Higher education level is associated with lower acceptance of others by two ethnic groups of Turkmen and Fars and contrary is true for Sistani ethnic groups. Gender differences are unrelated to the type of attitude held by each ethnic group toward other ethnic groups. It seems that higher age is weakly associated with the increase in the acceptance of others.

Political participation is to be considered as one of the primary socio-political development indicators in all countries. Teachers are among the leading social groups who have a significant role in the process of cultural and socio-political development. Their political participation as the cultural pioneers in the field of education could be salient especially for the political stability and dynamics of a country not at the current but in the future, too. Regarding above issues, this paper examines and scrutinizes sociologically the factors which might effect the level of political participation of Khorramabad's high school teachers. Thus, 310 high school teachers of Khorramabad have been spotted as the statistical samples of this survey whose opinion obtained by a questionnaire. The results are indicative of a meaningful correlation between independent variables (media, social trust, social participation and sexuality) and dependent ones (political participation).

One of the significant subjects in contemporary international relationships is the rise of China and the potency of this Asian country. China is among the countries which regarding its increasing capability in recent years, is mentioned as rising power and is among the countries which experienced extensive changes in recent decades. These changes began at the end of 1970s under open doors policy and include economics, political and military aspects. Rapid development of China has attracted lots of policy – makers and economist's attention and has changed this country into a world of opportunities. Most economists are concerned with this unique pattern of economic growth and its consequences on the global economy and politics. The aim of this research is to find answers to the following questions: 1) what are the various aspects to the Chines growth; 2) what are the outcomes of this rise in the world community?

After Iran's Islamic Revolution of 1979 and the seeking of the certain hegemonic discourse of the Islamic republic in the year 1981, many discourses reached a relatively hegemonic position in the social domain of the Islamic republic. This article, first of all identifies four dominant discourses which are the Islamic leftist value-based, Reconstruction & Economic Development, Islamic Democracy and Social Justice & Fundamentalism discourses. It then investigates their typological system, approaches and their economical workbook. In fact the two domains of thought and theory and the annexation domain of these discourses are studied, and the reason of how each of these discourses is replaced by the other is given. This study tries to find the economical contexts and foundations of the hegemonic discourses in the Islamic Republic of Iran, and in another part of the paper, the regional, global and international factors that affect the reproduction of these processes are studied. Findings show that in many cases there is a kind of harmony among the economic policies of the hegemonic discourses and approaches in the international domain.

Niche diplomacy helps countries to get much better results by focusing their resources on specific areas. For this reason, many small countries due to insufficient resources to build their power needed for the national interests turn to use Niche diplomacy to concentrate their resources in areas that have advantage of becoming a brand. Brand is client’s best idea about a product. National brand is image which includes both positive and negative concepts that is made in the minds of international community. Qatar is one of the small countries of the Persian Gulf that have vulnerability against internal and external threats and have not enough hardware resources to achieve its own security. Thus, software factors are more notable in its foreign policy. Qatar have become a brand in mediation, media and sport diplomacy by focusing its resources in Niche diplomacy and offer a good image of itself in international system. In fact, this good image is reason for creating security for Qatar.

Research in the field of international relations and European studies agree more or less on the effect of the European Union on the foreign policy and energy policy among European countries. These studies in terms of logic of consequences or logic of appropriateness and the force, cost–benefit calculations, persuasion and socialization mechanisms, observe change or evolution of the internal structures, identities, preferences of national and foreign policy and national patterns of governance and European countries interests by European Union. In this regard, the Europeanization of foreign policy more or less led to their compliance with EU standards in the field of "conservation of shared values", "fundamental interests", "preserve peace and strengthen international security," "promoting international cooperation" and "European diplomatic culture". Europeanization of energy policy that based on the principles of energy security, competitiveness, environmental sustainability and social responsibiliy, also has led to institutional and policymaking compliance of these countries with the EU energy policy.