فصلنامه راهبرد دفاعی
پیاپی 30 (پاییز 1389)

Today، countries’ power projection، along with tangible and intangible elements of power، is considered as one of the indicators of national power which through them، a country fulfills its demands by using consequences of power elements. Depending on the amount of this power، the scope and the range of countries’ power projection differs from each other. Although، many international scholars pay attention to the U. S. and Russia’s elements of strength and power projection as the world''s greatest military powers، however، the prospect of China’s continuous and increasing economic growth considers the country’s likely increase of power projection. Thus، by viewing the concept of power projection، in this article، we will examine its elements in relation with China and then، with a comparative look، we study China’s power projection at regional and international level.

Power projection، is among the strategies which great powers، the emerging and regional powers put it on their agenda. India is also among the countries which has tried to raise itself an emerging power by improving its hardware and software capabilities. In this article، India''s tools and reasons for power projection has been analyzed. Accepting a Mahanian view، using a neighborhood development theory، India’s new military agenda along with competition with China in addition to New Delhi’s energy needs are among the reasons for India’s power projection. Studies show that India''s power projection is done relying on naval force، although the development of air –missile forces، and increasing space capabilities is not oblivious. Finally، some security considerations of I. R. Iran in relation with India’s power projection have been mentioned by the author. Expanding Iran''s relations with India can be effective in modifying the behavior of Iran’s rival powers and to meet some defense needs of the country.

After several years of discussions and extensive calculations Finally، Russia''s new military doctrine was released in February 2010. The document is Russia’s third military doctrine since the Soviet collapse and issues such as military risks and threats facing Russia، the characteristics of contemporary armed conflicts، Russia’s military policies and the country’s measures for deterrence and preventing war have been mentioned in it. Considerations related to NATO، nuclear weapons and nuclear deterrence، and Moscow’s defense and military cooperation priorities at regional and international levels، were the parts which over other considerations in the document، were considered by various actors، including governments and political and defense ultra-governmental organizations.

Providing national defense requires applying a set of national power resources in hardware and software aspects in which arms have important role and place. Against the idea of supplying weapons as a necessity for national defense، current thinking at international level، especially after the Second World War، has been dominated that considered weapons as warmonger. By standing in the form mechanisms and of international law sources، this thought has become consolidated the international system and because of its relationship with world peace، has taken the extensive support of public opinion. Managing national defense in the field of weapons requires attention to this norms and the maximum use of its capacities in reducing competing and enemy players’ arsenals through applying all the latent techniques and tools in disarmament system. Diplomacy is one of the fields of exposing national defense techniques and tools which in light of it defense diplomacy in general and disarmament diplomacy in specific has been produced and found conceptual and structural organization. In this paper we will examine our disarmament diplomacy in light of the concept and defense diplomacy strategy.

Development in technologies and evolution in power systems has changed evaluation of power resources fundamentally. Today, the indirect way of obtaining the requirements are introduced as the "second aspect of power" or "soft power" in which, the favorite targets can be achieved by creating attraction without resorting to violence.

Classification of the threats according to their different components and index is an appropriate method to understand them. Threat classification unveils its different angles and dimensions and helps to estimate threats, to make policy and to develop a doctrine and strategies to deal with it. A type of classification which has been considered especially in I.R. Iran during the recent years is classification of threats based on "methods of applying the threat and its consequences.” Therefore, threats to national security is divided into, hard, semi hard and soft threats. This kind of classification is made to explain West’s soft war on Iran and according to country’s necessities. Most military experts, introduce the security and cultural threats during the first decade of revolution, the decade of security (semi-hard) and military (hard) threats and the beginning of the third decade simultaneous with cultural - social threats (soft threats). In this paper, it has been tried to do a comparative study among triple threat- hard, semi hard and soft threats- by measures such as nature, characteristics, goals, tools, methods and consequences. This kind of classification can help to explain and to identify current threats against the country.

Different approaches about the national role of Iran's foreign policy and its orientation is presented since now. Some used "discourse formats”. On the other hand, a kind of attitude about the processes, "orientation" and "national role" of Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy is presented, which compared with discourse approaches, has a different approach. In between, a new approach has been considered that on one hand emphasizes Iran's interaction-oriented foreign policy and on the other hand, considers some manifestations of resistance against strategic threats. The indicators of interaction-oriented policy against dominating regime, is considered as signs of national role of Iran's foreign policy and its orientation. In this article, it has been tried to explain the outputs of I.R. Iran's foreign policy in the form of constructivism approach and emancipation school. The main question of this paper is about the national role and foreign policy orientation in I.R Iran. The hypothesis of this paper emphasizes some manifestations of interactions with productive forces and resistance against threatening actors.