نشریه تاریخ اسلام و ایران
سال نوزدهم شماره 3 (پاییز 1388)

The era of Reza shah’s administration formed by the slogan of modern government and fulfilling the duties of the government before the nation led to the development of some policies, manifested in form of factors such as emphasize on nationalism, westernization and militarism.The present paper studies the effects of Reza shah’s modernization on the women’s activities in health and medical scope. The researcher reviews the conditions of this time and by relying on the documents, journals and literature remained form the first Pahlavi king, studies the women’s activities in the charity health activities, to find differences (if there is any) between the women’s approach towards performing charity works for patients and comparing them with previous times, the policies of the government and special side taking in the establishment and expansion of health charity institutes of that period. Social and political condition of that time improves this hypothesis that government’s efforts to control the pillars of power and restricting social activities resulted to role creation in other scopes that the government assumed to be free of risk. The charity activities could be considered as one of those activities. This paper tries to answer these questions and the activities preformed in the health and media range by women.

Sheikh Safi-Aldin Ardebili’s shrine was one of the most important religious and pilgrimage places in the Safavid Era. Before establishment of the Safavid Empire, this shrine was almost always administered by the leaders of the Safavid order. After the founding of Safavid government, although the Safavid kings maintained the complete designation of Morshed, they did not continue to manage this shrine personally, but they used to ordain some custodians as the responsible position.According to the importance of this shrine, here we face an important question that what were the duties and position of these custodians during the Safavid government? And were they appointed out of a special social class? Did they have any power in controlling the shrine affairs or they just had to execute the orders of the Shah? According to the importance of the shrine, it seems that the appointed officials had a significant position in the authority of the Safavid kingdom; so, we can witness to the fact that this position was occasionally given to a person who had the governing power of Ardebil or even the whole of Azarbaijan province, as well.This research tries to introduce the custodians, to investigate their affairs, tries to discover their responsibilities, their position in the society and also their political cooperation with the government. The research method in this study is based on librarial and documental resources. In addition, the introduced custodians in this research have been chronicled in a table. Also there have been attempts to discover the social class to which each of them belonged, and reveal the probable changes in the process of selecting and appointing them during the Safavid era.

Medhat Pasha is a prominent Ottoman politician in 19th century. He is often titled as the father of the first Ottoman constitutional movement and the promulgator of the 1876 A.D costitution in the Ottoman Empire. Using the Diffusion theory of Hagarstrand, this paper intends to evaluate the influence of Medhat Pasha’s thoughts and action on Iranian intellectuals and politicians of the time. The conclusion is: although Medhat Pasha’s thoughts and deeds had gained attention of the contemporary Iranian intellectuals and politicians, the prevalence of structural barriers in the Iranian political system never allowed the Turkish politician influence any fundamental changes in the Iranian political atmosphere of the Gajar era. Nevertheless, the news of Medhat Pasha’s actions in the Ottoman Empire continued to be followed closely by both the conservative and reformist politicians of the Qajar dynasty in Iran for years to come.

There are different opinions about Nader’s approach to religion and his religious policy. Some characterized him as a Sunni, others as a believer Shiite. He was also regarded to try to found a new global religion. He was named infidel, self-conceit who used religion only as a political instrument, but at any rate accepted the Deity. The Caucasus was then inhabited by various national and religious groups: Christians, Sunnis, Shiites and Jews. On this brindled religious and national mosaic the Russians and the Ottomans aimed to take control of the region on the excuse of protecting their coreligionists. Nader’s new proposal on co-existence of religions aimed to remove the dividing lines between the Sunnis and the Shiites. Nader had realistic attitude towards Caucasian Christians, especially Armenian Meliks and archbishops. He appreciated their help against the Ottomans by restoring the rights and giving more privileges to Ejmiatsin church and Armenian Meliks. Nader correctly realized the important role of religion in the late medieval Oriental environment. He was inclined to get acquainted with all religions of the people under his reign which was signed with the order to translate the sacred books, the Torah and the Quran, in Farsi. The analysis of Nader’s religious policy in the Caucasus proves his relative success in the control of the region.

After Iranians protest against tobacco monopoly and cancelation of the Tobacco exportation contract in 1892, this trade was followed by two foreign companies which traded tobacco in Iran and exported it to other countries. The most part of Iran’s tobacco was brought by Tobacco Company of Ottoman "Kompani-ye Enhesar-e Edkhal-e Tanbako dar Khak-e Osmani" in Ottoman Empire. Iranian government agreed to an agreement with an Egyptian, who was known as "Khalil Pasha Khayat” in 1894, and gave him the monopoly of tobacco exporting to Egypt for 22 years. As it was arranged in the contract "Khalil Khayat" started his trade activities in 1897 and ended it on 1919. However, the wirter of article knows about this history he just focuses on the first decade of his trade in Iran from 1897 to 1906 at current article and the remaing part of Khayat history will be the subject of another aricle.The main question of current research, is concerned the quality of management of Iranina government in this item of foreign trade. Although from tobacco trade Khalil Khayat won much more that Iran. So, he didn’t pay Iran’s share timely. So, the relationship between Iranian state and Egyptian concessionaires was always problematic. Iran’s share of the profit was normally paid by Khalil Khayat under pressure of court in Cairo or Alexandria.

Concurrent with the decline in the politico-economical power of the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century, the signs of nationalistic vigilance appeared among the minorities living inside the Empire and their demand for independence and autonomy confronted the authorities with a serious challenge which was also new and unprecedented. How could they protect the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire and save it from the danger of division and disintegration? The most important and the first political ideology that reached for a solution to this question, was the Ottomanism Notion. This ideology, which is considered as the main factor behind the Ottoman Empire’s socio-political reforms throughout the 19th century, from the regulation to the end of the second constitutionalism, tried to recuperate unity and solidarity among the Empire’s nationals through granting them equal rights and involving them in administration of the national affairs. This essay tries to examine the nature and aspects of this policy and its effectiveness in solving the Ottoman Empire’s difficulties.

The Persian Empire was founded by Cyrus the great and Darius Ι caused it to make progress and flourish in political and economic fields quickly. To create a great culture, he made significant changes. Among them we can mention revision of the scales and the measures and the striking coins. Comparing and analyzing Achaemenian coins and the differences in their scales will help us to discover and understand the financial and bureaucratic system of ancient Iran. The golden coin of Achaemenian is called "Daric" and in different sources the silver one is called "Schekel / Sicle". Trading with the developed nations of that time and also paying the wages to the workers had mostly done by a kind of silver coin which weighed 5.6 grams. On the other hand, according to the Persepolis treasure tablets, the payment of the workers accounted and settled with a kind of "Schekel" which weighed 8.3 grams. Considering the power and the precision of the Achaemenids to control the affairs of their land such a difference as 2.7 grams in those times silver coins seems unlikely. In this article, considering and analyzing the first-hand documents of ancient Persian history, we have tried to come to a clear answer to this distinction between the scales.