نشریه تاریخ اسلام و ایران
سال بیست و هشتم شماره 38 (تابستان 1397)

Strength and stability of the Prophet (PBUH) to promote Islam, despite the continued exclusion of Quraysh, led to numerous debates between them and the leaders of the Quraysh. In this debate, interlocutors were trying to offer a different argument, the otherness of the other party claims and by creating a single meaning system, their discourse to spread in the community. Efforts to stabilize the semantic debate both sides to dialogue, lead to challenges in the context of the debate.
This paper is concerned with the use of discourse analysis theory of Laclau and Mouffe, who discussed the discourse further than linguistics, in political, cultural and social fields. The consequences show that monotheistic and polytheistic discourses continued to confront each other and as a result monotheistic discourse took advantage of the debate and broke the structure of polytheistic discourse in order to make itself more hegemonic

In Qajar era, the importance of commercial function of Mazandaran province to sovereignty was considerable due to its position. In fact, Mazandaran had a strategic position for government regarding two reasons; the first reason is that it was the nearest rich province to Tehran -capital of Iran- in foodstuff production and second one is that the closest trade link of Tehran to Caspian Sea, which was the route of Iran's trade with Russia _ the largest trading partner of Iran– passed through this province. Moreover, Mazandaran had a comparative advantage in the production of some exported crude stuffs such as rice, cotton, silk and wood. Consequently, the expansion of Mazandaran roads could be considered an important factor in developing of economy in the local, regional and national scales.
In Naser al-Din Shah Period, Despite of all political, economic and geographical difficulties in expanding of Mazandaran's roads, government decided to spend a huge capital in the expansion of Larijan road considering the protection of political and economic security of the capital city according to a number of preliminary studies conducted by a group of engineers on three available routes including Hezar Cham, Larijan and Savadkuh.
The present research endeavors to investigate the effects of road construction programs of Naser al-Din Shah on the trade of Mazandaran province based on statistical data and using diagrams with descriptive-analytical approach. The outcomes of this research reveal not only the substantial role of road construction in increasing of exports and imports of Mazandaran province but also its impact on Mazandaran's commercial changes such as the increase of commercial caravansaries and the growth of markets of Barforush, Sari and Ashraf cites

At the end of the Shah Tahmasb's reign, from 979 to 981, a riot occurred in Tabriz. This riot is one of the Tabriz citizens’ few riots against the Safavid dynasty. Although the sources don’t mention the causes and effects of the riot's formation, political, social and especially economic factors in the form of components such as conflicts with neighboring states, shifting of capital, the disagreement between the neighborhoods and sectarian conflicts, the decline of the Sufi doctrines and trade recession especially had visible and invisible impacts on them. Following the trade recession and poor living conditions, particularly for craftsmen, the riot was started and continued for two years regarding the available context and due to the local officials’ extortions. The current research being carried out by the method of descriptive-analytical and relying on the available resources studied and explained the causes and their roles in shaping of the riots. Furthermore, it tries to answer this question “how and to what extent social and economic factors had an impact on shaping of this riot?”

Akhbari (scriptualist) movement, was a revival and reformulation of the traditionists, initiated by Muhammad Amin Astarabadi in 17th century, which became the leading school of shi'a jurisprudence for about one and a half century. It is rather exaggerated about the success of this movement so as to say there was no no 'Usuli (rationalist) mujtahid in these years in Iran and Iraq. The canonical school in 12th century is that of Muhammad Baqir Majlesi, by whom even 'Usuli mujtahids of this century are influenced and owe a lot. The transition from extremist school of Astarabadi to the moderate school of Majlesi opened a room for 'Usulies to reconstruct their teachings. This transition can be seen by writing commentaries to 'usuli writings through 17th and 18th centuries. Finally, this transition was yielded by Wahid Bihbihani, who was respected by both akhbaris and usulis because of his family relations. He could defeat akhbaris by the end of 18th century.

Parthians as revivers of the Iranian government, after defeating the domination of the aliens, with their actions had shown their Iranian qualities and properties and clarified their links with the Iranian culture and civilized society. Thus, the focus of this research is that: What was this Iranian government's approach to protecting the territory and protecting the borders of the country? And what evidence of their efforts in this area is available? Also how Parthians acted as an Iranian dynasty in the foundation of border fortifications and defense architecture, and how effective this action has been in protecting the borders? Therefore, the historical documents, and the archeological findings were studied through library research methodology and descriptive approach. The findings revealed that, Parthians according to their cultural-civilization background, and self-awareness of Iran's civilization; were bound to protect the borders, and for that purpose in addition to creating natural boundaries, by using of the art of military architecture formed the foundation of border fortifications and circular cities, thus succeeded in determining the territory and keeping the attackers across the borders.

Mu'ayyad fi'l-Din al-Shirazi, the Iranian Da’i al-Daha of the Fatimid court, has been mentioned as a prominent literary, scholar and politician in Ismaili literature. His divine court is full of religious-political information, in which he, in addition to plotting the political and social conditions, sought to explain the legitimacy of the Fatimid Imams by reasoning and philosophical arguments. The present article intends to use the method of Discursive Semiotics to review the discourse of the Fatimid Imam in the opinion of Mu'ayyad fi'l-Din al-Shirazi. It seems that the poet of the Fatimid court, as the narrator and narrator of the discourse, with the indicators of the exchange of ideas and ideas, has explained the highlighting of the religious and secular legitimacy of the Fatimid Imamate in the middle ages and the marginalization of the oppositions.

Iran’s political elites from the late Qajar era considered the settlement of the nomadic tribes as part of their inevitable social measures in line with the renovation of the government and invention of a modern state-nation. The issue was largely taken into account since late Naseri era in Azerbaijan as the most important entry point of the modern thoughts. Arasbaran (Qaredaq) migrant clans were inter alia the tribes included by such an attitude. This set of tribes had passed through a process of sedentarism till Reza Shah’s take-over of the power. The present study is seeking to elaborate the inhabitation process of these nomadic tribes and the effect it has had on this process and it makes use of the method of document contents analysis and historical narrations’ examination to find an answer to the question as to whether the settling down of the nomadic tribes has been a historical must or a political project. In doing so, the effect of the Qarehdaq nomads’ inhabitation till the late Pahlavi era has also been taken into consideration. Their active participation in the constitutionalism’s political evolutions and their learning about the novel mindsets made the central government sustain a lesser amount of costs. But, the problems derived of the inhabitation implementation, including the lack of the governmental agents’ awareness of the regulations and circulars, the shortage of the educational, sanitation and other facilities having an adverse effect on the governmental plans, the multiplicity of Qaredaq tribes and the extant discrepancies and disputes, and the central government’s lack of paying adequate attention to the issue as well as the government’s lack of recognition of the region’s geographical position, all in all, made it slackened; but, the process was never stopped or reversed rather it was a move forward featuring a slow pace. These problems led to some cases of violent treatment of the nomadic clans by the government but they were small in volume and extent as compared to the conflicts in the other regions of Iran.