فصلنامه فقه و تاریخ تمدن
سال نهم شماره 34 (زمستان 1391)

The purpose of this study is to evaluate the social and cultural identity. This study conducted a survey among a stratified random sample of 390 students of Islamic Azad University, Mashhad. In the second semester of the academic year 1391-1390 has been carried out with the self. The validity of the questionnaire for face validity and reliability of Cronbach's alpha coefficient was used. In this study, structural indicators of social identity \ "individual identity, collective identity, family identity and ethnic identity \ 'structural indicators of cultural identity \" national identity, religious identity and secular identity and value \ "with a questionnaire developed by the researchers measured The results show that the ultimate measure of cultural identity and social identity in the range of (5-1) is. Mean cultural identity among students, (4) and mean social identity (3/8) is the average rate among students about cultural and social identity (3/8) is in general much higher than the student's cultural identity, social identity. The national average in the range (5-1) of 4, 4 religious identity, common identity and values of 4, 3.6 personal identity, family identity 4, collective identity and ethnic identity 3 is 3.5.

Anatolia, from the seventh century onward, can trace its movements and the movements of the center of Shia and Sufi to its roots in Shi’ism. The history of Shia and Alawid Shia are rooted in Anatolia. The thoughts that influenced members of this group are less noticeable. In fact, the roots of Shia should be found many years ago when the Turkish people were living in Transoxiana. They then moved to Anatolia and Diyarbakir regions. As a result there is an eclectic theology. They gathered parts from each of the geographical regions and the various religions found there. There was not a single source, but rather a collection of a few.Now these questions are raised: The Anatolian Shiites, who comprises a large group of the population; do they belong to any single religion or sect? What is their nature? Are they duodenal Shia? Are they extremists, whether Sufi or Shiite? Are the groups independent?Apparently, the first of the two Shia groups, in the region of Anatolia, expanded its pure and unsentimental, all-encompassing Shia theology and jurisprudence. Shiite jurisprudence and the theology that followed had the Shia Alawid feeling like the prophets’ descendants were only friendly to the twelve political and theologically devoted. Sometimes, with exaggerated devotion, however in most cases they followed the jurisprudence of the Sunni. They held jurisprudence of Sunni and held to the Sunni words for this. What is certain, the Alawid Shia beliefs permeated the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries AD and are often carried by current people in Anatolia, as well as Sheikhs of Safavids, Baktashia collections by adherents of the pro-Alawid to pro- Qizilbash were finally converted back to Shiism.It appears that initially the purely ideological and emotional Anatolian Shia were more political, rather than legal and practical. For this reason, the intellectual leaders, such as Sheikh Safi al-din Ardabil and Haj Baktash Wali, at the outset of the age of Sufi and Shia, were doing so for the sake of political expediency. Thus, it is natural that their interests have benefited Shia. They have no originality. Additionally, Shiite areas historically have been away from the teachings of Shiite seminaries.

During the fourth century (AH), many families in the area of the Abbasid Caliphate, declared independence and Abbasid territory grew smaller and tightened. Among these families of rulers were the rulers of Bani Marwan, in the late fourth century (AH) in Diyarbakir, who was rising. Abu- Ali Hasan Ibn i- Marwan, attributed to the clan, the Bani Marwan was a powerful revival. The founders of the state of war with Rome’s fighters were Bad Ibn i- Doustak. He consolidated his scattered forces in Upper Mesopotamia, in that little time he had captured Diyarbakir, Mousil, Island, and Awasim and had even briefly captured Mousil for a short period of time. After that, frequent Bad clashes with Buwayhid, its allies were winning in the battle field; “Tour Abdin” was killed by Buwayhid against the military alliance with Bani Hamdan in 380 AH. His nephew, Abu- Ali Hasan Ibn i-Marwan, revived and gained strength and he could go out on conquests from the base of Bad, then capture castles and cities.After him, a dynasty of the rulers of Ale-i Marwan in Diyarbakir had seized power that in most of them was Al-iNasr; they had close to one hundred years in one of the most devastating hitting power of governance agreement and withstood the Abbasid Caliphate. Bani Marwan was finally destroyed by Seljuks in Diyarbakir. Then, Princes Shafi’i sect had good relations with their neighbors.This paper is to investigate the political and military strategies of the three contemporary Great Seljuk kings of Bani Marwan, Tughrul Beyg, Alp- Arsalan and Malik Shah against the Kurds Bani Marwan pay. In this study, I have tried examine the political and military strategies that can be based on the historical pattern of Ibn i- Khaldoun.

Insolvency has long been an issue for mankind, and for that it may be counted among subjects of ancient laws. The question has long plagued humanity about “What should be done with an insolvent person?” Different legal systems have provided their own solutions and have set varying rules on the subject. There is no country without a law for insolvent persons. Also, one of the most important issues of business law is bankruptcy. In the Business Laws of 1924, 1925 and 1932 more than one-fourth of the legal articles are devoted to bankruptcy, and even some experts consider bankruptcy laws as the common borderline between legal institutions and mainly definite contracts, properties and proprietorship, business documents and personal rights. But the important point is that our legal system took the bankruptcy rules from the French business law of 1808 that was already 120 years old, and treats insolvent business persons according to the same law, including non-business debtors in insolvency regulations and leaving the impecuniosity rules of Islamic jurisprudence out of the legal system according to article 39 of the Insolvency Law of 1934. This is in spite of the fact that even foreign thinkers and experts believe firmly that the laws of insolvency and impecuniosity must be based on historical, religious and cultural backgrounds as well as the social needs of each and every nation, and a mere imitation of modern laws of other nations never works efficiently. In practice many countries have based their bankruptcy laws on the same principle, and many others have imitated the European and US bankruptcy law. This paper focuses on the need for consideration of fundamentals of Islamic jurisprudence rules in bankruptcy legislation.

Payment of khums as a financial duty of Moslems has been emphasized in various sources of Islamic (Shi’a) jurisprudence. As one-fifth of a person’s assets, khums and its payment and exemption rulings are discussed in great detail in books of jurisprudence. There are two general theories concerning who the khums must be paid to. The first theory takes the apparent meaning of verse 41 of a surah in the holy Quran named Anfal, saying khums must be paid to the infallible Imam and three groups of sadat as related in the holy verse. The other theory revolves around the fact that parts of the paid khums must be used for the governing of the society, so it must be paid to the Islamic ruler in order to open his hands in the economic affairs of the Islamic community. This paper elaborates on these two theories.

The goal of this paper is to identify the characteristics of women committing misdemeanor and victimized during menstrual periods. It is in other words a study of the effects of menstrual cycles on the spirits and mentalities of women and how the periods lead some women towards committing offenses or becoming victims. Do the psychological disorders women experience during their periods play a role here? Do such disorders help in the occurrence of offenses? How are the personality and personal and psychological characteristics of women during their period days? Are they depressed, anxious, aggressive, sensitive, complaining? How do they behave with others that result in the commitment of an offense? And are they offenders or victims?