نشریه مطالعات سیاسی جهان اسلام
پیاپی 28 (زمستان 1397)

Islamic Republic of Iran (I.R.I) and Saudi Arabia are great powers of Persian Gulf. Both of these two countries follows their interests in this region. Any action that Saudi Arabia-after Arabic country protests in 2010- have recently done in Syria, Yemen and Bahrain, has been confronted with reaction of I.R.I considering these types of action as a threat to its regional and national interests and pursue preserving of its security in front of these types of threat. Methodology of this article is explanatory. First of all the current situation of Middle East region is explained, then the reason of balance making is analyzed. The result indicate that Saudi Arabia follow up offensive foreign policy in the region and Islamic Republic of Iran consider this foreign policy a threat to its national security. So Iran defense from its regional strategic allies. Saudi Arabia follow to be hegemon of the region and because of this goal have chosen offensive behavior. This strategy of Saudi Arabia have caused Iran follow defensive foreign policy in the Middle East.

One of the theories about the reason of revolutions is the theory of the revolutionary transformation of Chalmers Johnson. Testing this theory with revolutions in the Islamic countries is the main important objet of this article. The question is that how much Johnson's theory is compatible with the revolutions that took place in the world and to what extent this theory is capable of explaining the causes of the occurrence of these revolutions. In this study, three Iranian, Egyptian, and Libyan revolutions in the Islamic world have been investigated. The present paper seeks to test Johnson's theory of revolutionary transformations in the three countries. According to this study, it can be concluded that from the three factors mentioned by Johnson, two factors, including inequality and accelerating factors, are partially applicable to these revolutions, But the elites rigidity factor, with the exception of the Libyan revolution, is not compatible with the other two revolutions. Johnson's theory about revolution is not capable enough to explain these revolutions.

In the last two decades, modern media have been one of the most elaborate elements in shaping the socio-political changes of societies. The role of these media in the changes in North Africa is the goal that this article seeks to understand and explain. It is hoped that with proper understanding of the problem, we will achieve a proper explanation of the impact of cyberspace on our country. The method is a descriptive-analytical method utilizing library resources and postmodern methodology. This method is based on components such as »collapse of certainty«, "deconstruction","attention to various types of power, identity and discourse" and "presentation pictorial of a fluid,networked, and lacking center of power" with the results of " Cyber Revolution ". Communication networks in Egypt and Tunisia made people more familiar with the new forms of life and different government structures and new demands, and gradually changed the attitudes and ideals of the people, and eventually, changed in the expectations of government and rulers. This new situation undermined the potential of the opposing political forces that were suppressed over the course of decades and balanced the interests of the anti-government forces. Communication networks,although not the cause of the revolution in northern Africa,but with the function of "postmodernism", in context full of different fears,with general awareness, organizing protests, expanding communication, and political mobilization, exposed the crisis of legitimacy and disfunctionality of authoritarian sovereignty.And globalization of protests will ultimately expedite the collapse of these systems.

The purpose of this research is to explain how the geographical location and economic status of the Shiites can affect their convergence in the Middle East. Thus, the analysis of the components that affect the Shi'a convergence in the Middle East region is focused. This research is a descriptive and analytical study. Data and information are required by library method and field research. The field findings of the research indicate that that components such as Shiite forces' common determination to counteract the takfiri and Salafi currents, efficient cultural propaganda, highlighting shared Shiite differences, the existence of energy reserves (oil and gas) in the countries of the region, the formation of economic unions, rich cultural and civilized backing, the rich civilization, the enjoyment of the desirable territory, the victory of the Islamic Revolution and the establishment of the Shi'a rule in Iran, religious rites and rituals such as the mourning and marching ceremonies, the promotion of the status of Shiites in the structure of the regional governments, and the emphasis on shared relogious Unitarianism are among the most important factors of Shia's convergence in the Middle East region. The results of the research indicate that most of the Shiites live in the Middle East region and have unique demographic and geographic characteristics. On the other hand, there are many unifying entities; so they can achieve convergence and promote their geopolitical position in the region and the world.

The Islamic Revolution of Iran has a religious and cultural nature. Given the discursive nature of the revolution, it has created tremendous changes in the political and value system and has had an impact on its peripheral countries. The culture of sacrifice and martyrdom in contemporary history began with the movement of Imam Khomeini, and expanded at the time of the imposed war and reached its peak at national and national levels. After the end of the eight-year imposed war, not only the culture of martyrdom has not been forgotten, it has continued, and found wide scope in the "axis of resistance" and beyond. The purpose of this study is to evaluate its impact. The present article deals with the role and effect of the martyrdom of the Islamic Revolution, and seeks to answer this question, what has been the role and effect of the Islamic Revolution's sacrifice culture and martyrdom, and how these effects have acted. This paper is written using the qualitative research methodology analysis and the research is instrumental in analyzing value-comprehension. The research findings indicate that the culture of martyrdom at the national level has implemented the ideological and theoretical context of the Islamic Revolution since the beginning of the movement so far in the history of the Islamic revolution. On the regional and world levels, has provided the field of Islamic world convergence and expanding and strengthening the axis of resistance. On the surface of, and in the international arena, the field of anti-terrorism and countering international terrorism has provided a wider scope. According to the research question, the result of the research shows that the martyrdom culture has had an impact on the regional, trans-regional and international levels, but most important achievement was the fight against ISIS, "International Terrorism."

Southwest Asia has been the focus of attention and, of course, action for geopolitical reasons and the existence of religious-ideological and energy centers for powerful countries. The role of the two major countries of Iran and Saudi Arabia in this challenging area has traditionally been highly effective in addressing the developments in this region, as well as in the final decision-making process of the major beneficiary countries. Since Yemen is located at the south of Saudi Arabia, west of Oman, east of the Red Sea and north of the Gulf of Aden, it has doubled its significance and is dominated by a strategic strait that is vital for the Horn of Africa, Saudi Arabia and, in particular, Egypt. The Yemeni people have long had religious attitudes, including Shi'a and Sunnis, which is currently the majority of Zaydi's Yemeni people with Shafiq jurisprudence. Ismaili and Sufi religions are in the next rows. This paper, by descriptive-analytical method, seeks to answer the main question: What factors cause the crisis in Yemen which led to the expansion of the crisis? The geopolitical, security and ideological rivalries between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the region, and in particular in Yemen, have led to a suspicion of Saudi Arabia's traditional hegemony. Because of the role of the identity and the spirituality of each of the two countries, they sought to influence their own strategy based on their strategy. The material presence and ideology of Wahhabism led by Saudi Arabia in Yemen has been undermined by the message of the Islamic Revolution and the resistance movement, which has complicated the crisis.

Following the rise to power of the Muslim Brotherhood parties in Tunisia and Egypt on the heels of the 2011 Arab uprisings, their leaders pointed to Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) as a successful model of governance. The main aim of this research is to shed light on how the Tunisian and Egyptian Muslim Brotherhoods copied the governing model from the Turkish ruling party to see if their effort made its way to success or failure. The current research is comparative and library-based, and seeks to find an answer to the question: Despite copying the single model of governance of the AKP, why did the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and Tunisia have different versions of governing? The findings of the research show that monopolization of power and allowing others within it, the confrontational and cooperative approach to the military, and the success and failure in improving the living and economic conditions have been main issues that drove the models of governance taken from the AKP by the Egyptian and Muslim Brotherhood to success or failure. Making wrong policies on the above-mentioned issues, beside some regional conditions imposed, the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood was ousted from rule by the military only a year after their assumption of power. However, Annahda Movement of Tunisia has relatively been successful in adopting policies on those issues, something that made it relatively maintain its position as an actor in the nation’s politics.