نشریه پژوهشهای سیاسی جهان اسلام
سال سوم شماره 3 (پیاپی 8، پاییز 1392)

Present paper, using a descriptive-analytical approach, is aimed to analysis the transformations in Bahrain and challenges and opportunities facing the national security of Iran. In order to achieve research objectives, present study employed Martin’s integrated approach in studying Middle East’s national security as theoretical framework and considering five independent variables (combination of military and non-military factors) to assess the effect of Bahrain transformations on position and security of Iran in the region. Results of study mention to some opportunities such as strengthen the geopolitics of Shia, expanding the influence of Islamic republic of Iran and development of Iran’s Islamic pattern, decrease the role and presence of opposition competitors, improve the selective approach of U.S.A and EU and challenges such as continuing the presence of U.S military in region, increasing of ethnic and religious tensions, conflict between regional Arab countries’ profits, intensification and continuing Iranophobia and Shiaphobia project.

Egypt's upheavals in 2011 that led to overthrow the ruling regime and beginning a new period in this country’s political system, as a revolution have reasons for its occurrence, grounds, results, consequences and agents.This paper attempts to answer this question that how Muslim Brotherhood, as a social and political force, has been influential in advancing the Egypt's revolution. In response to this question, this hypothesis is provided that Muslim Brotherhood, by adoptying Islamic ideology and political and social organizing during all of its activities with an attitude derived from Islamic tradition and some of modern norms as existing cultural and social contexts has had an effective role in the Egypt's 2011 Revolution. To examine this hypothesis, the concept of structure – agent relationship has been used in which the Muslim Brotherhood as an agent and the Egypt's social culture as the structure and context of the action is considered.

America's foreign policy in the thick of happening of the revolutionary-Arabic transformations is marked in the route from the alliance to unilateralism. Basically, adopting this kind of strategy in foreign policy of the United States of America, on the one hand, is based on soft meaning-making in the Middle East, that occurs in the form of coalition and multilateral movements, including expansion of peace, security and universal moral norms and on the other hand, is unilateralism which has revealed dialectical paradox of control public opinion in order to continue material interests and expansion of hegemony in the conduct of its foreign behavior. Thus the United States has also adopted this dialectical approach in order to manage the revolutionary- Arabic changes. Now this question arises that basically this style of management on transformations in the Middle East can be explained by relying solely on internal resources shaping the identity of this country? This paper will conclude that in addition to the internal meaningful resources shaping the foreign policy of America, analysis of procedures and practices that does not necessarily derived from sources inside the country should also be considered. Methodically, this study uses a qualitative approach based on analyzing and describing and in terms of gathering information will use of citation (libraries) and virtual sources.

Today, in most theories related to development, democratic regimes are introduced as one of the tools and indices of development. In fact, theoretically and practically, democratic regimes provide the most important and the most appropriate ground for the development, while other regimes can never play such a role. Having a look at ruling political regimes in the Middle East, it appears that, except for a few, most countries in the region, compared to other regions, even in comparison with Islamic countries outside the region such as Malaysia, are deemed as backward in terms of development and transition to democracy while the opposition might be able to pave the road for democracy. Since Islamic fundamentalists act as the most important political movement in the region, this research, using descriptive–explanatory method, tries to address this question: in what ways the current political structures and Islamic fundamentalism have influenced and are still influencing on the process of development in the Middle East? In response to the above question, this hypothesis will be tested: authoritarian regimes of the region and their Islamic fundamentalism, due to their undemocratic nature, are the most important obstacle to development in Middle East countries.Confirming the above hypothesis, the results of this study suggest that: Islamic fundamentalism movement, which is in conflict with authoritarian states in the region, is itself at odds with democracy for specific reasons, and intended ideas, goals and political institutions of fundamentalists, which they pursue as the desired government in the society, do not conform with theories and realities of democracy.

The Egypt revolution managed to overthrow the Mubarak regime; but soon after, the military took possession of the political atmosphere through the military coup against Mohammad Morsi’s government. In the post-revolution space, whatever has shaped the civil-military relations in Egypt is the method of interactions between the Supreme Council of Armed Forces with the Muslim Brotherhood and other civil forces engaged in the revolution, including the liberal, secular and left parties. In the final analysis, the way the military reacted to the revolution is tightly related to the level of army’s institutionalization and professionalism on one hand and its relations to the society body (integration of the military in civil processes), on the other hand.The high institutionalization, professionalism and non-ideological army, together with expansive interaction of the military with the society, led to the acceptance of the revolution by the Armed Forces- however hesitingly and after necessary bargaining and securing its positions. The necessity to establish stability and control of political activism of the Egyptian society, shift in the balance of forces against the Muslim Brotherhood and finally sustaining the financial interests and special rights in determining foreign and defensive policies, drove the military towards direct interference in politics and overthrow of the government under protection of the Muslim Brotherhood in shape of the military coup.

Turkey's foreign policy, after Islamists’ coming over in 2002, has created several discussions in academic and political circles. Turkey’s active policy in Middle East in recent years caused some analysts evaluate this Turkey’s attitude change on regional issues as due to Justice and Development Party’s historical and religious tendencies and its evading from Kemalism west-oriented nationalistic discourse and others argue these changes as due to Turkey’s security considerations after America’s invasion to Iraq. The main question in this study is that what is the most important factor in Turkey’s foreign policy change after Justice and Development Party’ coming over? In response to this question, authors of this paper review different views about Turkey's new foreign policy and as well evaluate America's Grand Strategy for Middle East after September 11 as the decisive factor in this attitude change. It seems after September 11, with knowledge of constructive changes in geo-strategic space of Middle East, Turkey has tried,through accompaning with America’s grand stategy, to get an appropriate position as the main supraregional actor in Middle East’s new order.

The socio-political upheavals in MENA (Middle East and North Africa) during the last 3 years have revived the oppressed political groups in the previous dictatorships. All these groups, even the pro-dictator ones, are trying to play role in the new era and take up the future of their country’s political system. In this time, in Libya, despite of formation of the transitional government, different political parties have been trying to seize power and the competition is still continuing. Among others, the Salafi groups are active in politics field and are going to take their country’s destination by any kind of tool. Exploring the social roots of Salafi groups, namely Wahhabis, Ikhwans, and Takfiris, as well as their performance in post-17th Feb revolution is the main subject in the present paper. Indeed, being pro-Gaddafi before the revolution, the Madkhalia Salafi (traditional) by Takfiris attempt to prohibit the election and destruct the Sufis’ temples in order to affect the country’s political situation. The Ikhwan’s demand for power is stronger and the Takfiri Salafis are a part of anti-security trend that in addition to intervention in the Syrian civil war, they attempt to simultaneously battle both the government and the Ikhwans.