نشریه پژوهشهای سیاسی جهان اسلام
سال سوم شماره 4 (پیاپی 9، زمستان 1392)

This article tries to study Iran-Turkey’s approaches toward Middle East changes in a comparative way. The Arab revolutions in the Middle East, not only have had impact on the regional countries but also on the relations between them. The relation of Iran and Turkey due to convergence or divergence of interests as a result of new changes is not excluded. Iran and Turkey as two neighboring and influencial powers on Middle East transformations are reacting toward the revolutions of Arab world according to their own conceptions of these developments or identifies themselves with it. In this line, the main question of this paper is that; what are the approaches of Iran and Turkey toward Middle East developments? In addition, other secondary questions are included; what are the impacts of the Middle East developments on the relation of Iran and Turkey? What are the main factors that drive Iran and Turkey toward the leadership of the region? What strategies have two countries taken? The main hypothesis is that Iran and Turkey try to become hegemonic power through taking the advantages offered by the Middle East developments. Analyzing Iran-Turkey ‘s relations, this paper shows that one of the main factors which motivate states to follow hegemony is security needs that they think the best way to accomplish these needs is increasing their power and capabilities. The methodology of this paper is analytical-descriptive, while gathering instrument for data is library-documentary.

Market-oriented policies and liberal economic policies pursued by Turgut Özal in the 1980s in Turkey, had initiated several structural changes in the cultural, economic and political spheres in the country. Constructive and cultural perceptions of Islam, expansion and strengthening the role of the bourgeoisie Muslim community- based and finally hegemony of Islamist Justice and Development Party’s ideas in recent decade are obvious appearances of these structural changes. This article is planned in the framework of constructivism approach based on the dynamics and logic of developments in Turkey. At First, for a deeper understanding of the historical, cultural and political roots of Turkey, the relationship between government and society was investigated in the Ottoman period and Atatürk. This article is an attempt to illustrate constructive, dialogical and identity-based perceptions of Islam, as major factors of relative institutionalization of democracy in Turkey. In fact, the main question of the paper is that which perception of Islam has resulted in relative establishment and consolidation of democracy in Turkey. It is worth to mention that the events happened in Turkey at Spring 2013 made it essential to have a deeper review of this issue. Environmental protest that s began because of cutting down Gezi Park trees, quickly won the title of greatest social movement in Turkey at the two past decades. The present article considers this event as the continuation of Turkey's democratic process logic and analyzes in this regard. A qualitative research method was used in this paper and documentary method was used for data collection.

This paper aims to provide a descriptive-analytical framework for Islamic Republic of Iran's public diplomacy and review this issue in Lebanon, in particular. Public diplomacy includes wide range of activities, therefor, it has different definitions, but generally it is the efforts of one government or state to make a favorable image of its policies and goals in minds and thoughts of the elites and ordinary people of another countries. The difference of this issue with public relations and propaganda is the mutual communication that takes place through bilateral dialogue and persuasion.This article, citing to American Institute Zogby’s poll, and with this question that what are the main reasons for the success of Iran's public diplomacy in Lebanon, is seeking to prove the hypothesis that this success is due to several things: its reliance on governmental and civil networks in this country, Lebanese positive historical mentality toward Iran, and also presence of Shiite and Hezbollah, as a non-operator, and non-governmental agent in Lebanon.

Political changes and revolutionary occurrences, which began in some of the Middle East and North Africa countries, spilled over to Syria. These astonishing political changes, has encouraged the political and international relations analysts to study various factors and dimensions involved in these changes. Among these developments, the Syrian crisis has prolonged and led to civil war. From the very beginning of these developments in this country, the foot traces of the various regional and international governments, with different goals and intentions, were seen. The main question of the present paper is to study stances and policies of the governments of Iran and Turkey towards Syria crisis. Attempts have been made in the present paper to study different aspects of these stances through documentary method within the framework of Rosena's foreign policy and international policy making theory. The findings of the paper indicate that the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran, on the basis of its particular ideological, regional and international orientations, has formulated its foreign policy, which entails supporting the government of Assad and opposing his opponents. In contrast, the Turky’s government has adjusted its policy towards Syria in accordance with the U.S. and the West, supporting the rebels and calling on Assad to resign.

Political attitudes of students is an issue which has a special place in our society since the attitudes are considered as precursor of formation of behaviors and social interactions. On the other hand, the Islamic uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa, are regarded as major issues in recent years in the region. Since there is no empirical documentary data on the subject, a brief assessment of this issue seems necessary.This article is an attempt to study the role of the media and reference groups on students’attitudes about recent Islamic uprisings in the region. Therefore, the views of 977 students from 16 universities of the country were taken using stratified random sampling and then X2 test, multiple regression analysis, path analysis were performed. Results of regression analysis showed that overall, 42.8% of changes in student's attitudes, has been explained with two factors; sources of news and community reference groups (p<0.001). Also, based on the results of the path analysis; among 33 sources of news, television and satellite networks and internet sites, and among the primary and secondary reference groups, the role of the leader and religious leaders in shaping the special attitude of the students is significant. Finally, the implications of this study are also investigated.

This article tries tostudy the formation process of Islamic radicalism in Nigeria. In this regard, efforts have been made to answer this question: “what are the underlying factors of emergence and growth of radicalism, generally, and Boko Haram group, specifically?”. Factors behind the rise of Boko Haram are very complex and include demographic, economic, political and educational contexts. Islamist radicals are some masses who stand against the process of modernity integration and ask for return of religion to the scene of their country’s politics. Due to the lack of accessibility to legal mechanisms, these groups use violence as an instrument to reach their goals. In other words, the adherents of this policy consider it as a new identity for Muslims and a solution to prevent of Muslim societies’ decline. One of the latest Islamic groups that are radicalized is Boko Haram in Nigeria. Accordingly, variables such as widespread poverty in Muslim areas, in compare with Christian areas, absence of Muslims in political field, long lasting ethnic conflicts, feeling of identity removing of Islamists by secular government have led to further radicalization of this group. Solution to the problem is twofold: Initiating a dialogue with Boko Haram in order to stop their attacks in the first place and implementing human security-based policies to improve living conditions in northern Nigeria secondly.

Turkey and Iran are two important muslim countries in the Middle East, but they have two different kinds of government. Iran has an Islamic government which has power and propose Islam as a comprehensive plan for all dimensions of human life and also knows itself as responsible for implementing Islamic laws in society and its foreign policy. But in Turkey, despite of emphasizing on Islamic identity and values, the government is secular one, and its post-Islamist forces have accepted it,.It seems in Turkey, the lack of a powerful clerical class and the existence of a special kind of plural and spiritual Islam and the institutionalization of political parties, have produced a special post-Islamism. But in Iran, the existence of a strong clerical class with a formal and juridical version of Islam and a long history of radical social movements, have caused an Islamic government come to power. Therefore, different historical, cultural and social grounds in these two countries have produced different kinds of relationships and interactions between religion and the state.This study attempts to explain this difference by reviewing the social contexts of Islamism.