فصلنامه مطالعات تاریخ فرهنگی
پیاپی 30 (زمستان 1395)

Movement, excitement and ritual performances are as old as human history. Such sacred ordinances have been created in Sufism and performed in monasteries of most of the creeds. This ritual in the Mevlavieh creed often involves continuous and non-stop rotations around the axis of the body. But the same ritual, called the Katak, is also performed in the temples of Hinduism, which is originated from the prayer of the Creator and is similar to Sama in some aspects of form and content. According to the above, the main question of the article is whether the performance of Katak, which has been commonplace in India during the period of Delhi Sultanate (1526-1206) and the Gurkani emperors (1857-1526), has been influenced from Sama Mevlevieh, which has entered India along with Sufism and has been under the patronage of the court and performed in the official meetings of the government? The sub-question is that whether the reason for the apparent similarities of these two ritual performances, including successive turns and hand movements, clothing, and music of Qawali, is due to the effects that have taken place? In order to answer these questions, this article, reveals the time and space relationships between two performances and two cultures of Sufism and Hinduism throughout history and the probability of borrowing Katak from Sama. The results of this fundamental research, based on historical method, gathering documents and fieldwork, indicate that the ritual of Katak was carried out through the adjoining of Hinduism and Sufism in society and culture of India, during the period of the Delhi Sultanate and then in Mughal era, and had been influenced by by Sama Mevlevieh in most of body movements especially the continous rotations and movements of the hand, the music of Qawali and clothing.

Since the first sets of Islamic art collections were formed in Europe and then in America from the late eighteenth to the twentieth century, our understanding of Islamic art is influenced by the dominant heritage and discourses of temporary exhibitions and permanent collections of Islamic art in the West and the approaches of these museums. The present study, which is based on descriptive-analytical method and documentary and library resources attempts to reveal how the meaning of Islamic art is turned in the historical course of the early museums. In this research, by analyzing texts related to Islamic art collections, three dominant Orientalist discourses, art history in the West, and interdisciplinary studies in museums will be introduced and the implications of these three discourses on the reproduction of the concept of Islamic art will be examined. The findings of the research show that the domination of the approaches mentioned in the historical course of Islamic art museums has led to the rotation of meaning and the introduction of Islamic works as "material goods", "art" and "cultural goods" and the assignment of different values to Islamic art.

Ardalan's family was one of the ruling families in the Kurdistan region, which, due to numerous cultural and historical factors, refused to accept the official Shi’a religion, accepted the Safavid obedience, and the members of this family were subordinate to the central government until the late Qajar. Although the inhabitants of the area remained on Shafi’i’s religion, the governor's family accepted the Shi’a religion from the middle of the Safavid period. The last governor of Ardalan, Amanullah Khan II (1265-1284 AH), was a Qajar from his mother, converted to Sheikiah, and for some time (though short) turned Sanandaj into one of Sheykhieh's propaganda centers. This historical research, while investigating the presence of Sheykhieh in Kurdistan, has examined the causes of the accompaniment of Amanullah Khan II with Sheykhieh, as well as the implications of this theorem. This article shows that the accompaniment of Amanullah Khan to Sheykieh was due to various political, personal and family motives. The presence and activity of Sheykhieh in Kurdistan lasted nearly three years to promote their ideas. As a result of the governor's inclination to Sheykhieh, sympathy between the residents of Kurdistan and his relationship with the central government were also affected. Eventually, this contributed to the early decline of Ardalan's rule.

The first Pahlavi intellectuals saw national unity as a prelude to the country's political integration and a solution to reduce ethnic conflicts and local riots. From their point of view, the realization of this meant eliminating all differences in the way of life, clothing, language, and so on. Meanwhile, the tendency and interest of all Iranian ethnic groups in Persian language and the historical role of this language in national unity had made the development of this language as one of the main pillars of the policy of unification. To this end and in order to achieve national unity, the government sought to promote the development of educational institutions, the recruitment of non-native teachers and the ban on the use of local languages and dialects to promote a single language. But the use of imposed methods, the involvement of institutions such as the army, the prohibition on using the Kurdish language and attempting to undermine it on the long-standing interest of the Kurds, and negatively impacted Persian language and literature, and provided a platform for increasing ethnic inclinations. The study of the aims, process and consequences of the language policies of Pahlavi government in Kurdistan, based on the documents, is the main focus of this study.

The Constitutional Revolution not only brought about changes in political structures, but also brought with it broad concepts and terms about politics, society and personal and social rights into the political, legal and social literature of the country. The concept of freedom is one of the concepts that were considered by the press during the Constitutional Revolution, and the authors of the press presented a variety of definitions of this concept while expounded and represented it. This research, by analyzing the content of the definitions of the concept of freedom in the constitutional press, will show that the press writers of this period failed to find a dynamic approach to the concept that would lead to a new definition, while intellectuals before the Constitutional Revolution had found out new and innovative approach to freedom as an internal – external issue (Psychological- Sociological) and has thus been able to match it with Iranian society. In other words the press writers of the constitutional era imitated and used the predecessors’ ideas.

With the arrival of the Portuguese in the Indian subcontinent in the tenth century AH / the sixteenth century AD, the printing industry entered the land. The reason for the transfer of this industry to the Indian subcontinent was to carry out propaganda missions for Christian missionaries. As a result, the production and distribution of Christian propaganda books began in native languages of the Indian subcontinent. With the introduction and then consolidation of the power of the British East Indian Company in India, the print industry turned into a media and tool for influencing and expanding Britain's social and cultural activities in the region. On the other hand, the familiarity of Indian society with the printing industry and the applications of this socio-cultural media also provided the basis for using this industry among the native peoples of the Subcontinent. This article based on descriptive-analytical approach will study the role of printing press in cultural relation between British East India Company and Indian Society. The findings of this study suggest that British East India Company had used the printing press for cultural and social domination in Indian subcontinent, whereas Indian natives and reform movements used this industry as a tool for confronting against the cultural influence of Britain and preserving their native, ethnic and written heritage.