پژوهش نامه تاریخ اسلام
سال پنجم شماره 19 (پاییز 1394)

The present study falls within the category of epistemology and focuses on religious epistemology and conventional epistemology and has been conducted through internal analysis. The researcher aims at exploring the extent to which historians are under the influence of conventional epistemology of their place of living in their historiography; to what extent they are being influenced by their personal and social epistemology; and how their perception of history determines their method of historiography. In view of that, the attitudes and historiography of two historians have been studied. Motahhar Moqaddasi, Arab in origin, was born in Sistan—as one of the great lands of Iranian culture—grew up there, and later dedicated his book to one of the Samanid governors. Contemporarily, Bal’ami, who was a member of an Iranian family in Khorasan, lived in Bokhara and was engaged in cultural and administrative affairs of Samanid government. The findings of the study reveal that Moqaddasi was exclusively influenced by his personal religious epistemology and has authored his book disregard of the cultural and political conditions of his place of living. Contrary to him, Bal’ami in his supplements to Tabari History shows how he has been influenced not only by the religious epistemology but also the conventional epistemology of his society. Moreover, their perceptions of religion differ. In addition, their attitudes have been influential in their historiography in a way that Moqaddasi deployed a rational, analytical, and critical methodology in his writings while Bal’ami, Ash’ari in religion, wrote descriptively.

The socio-political movements faced by the Iranian world during the early Islamic centuries maintain continuity of the intellectual legacy of the ancient Iran. Such trends strived to revive themselves during this period by means of previous intellectual legacy and texts and through relying on political transformations caused by gradual decline of Zoroastrian religious system. Unceasing social and literary movements of Zindiq and Shuubiyya are the most outstanding examples of such trends. They strived for continuing and disseminating rational and materialistic issues in the Islamic world via relying on and reinterpreting Greek philosophical texts. Translation of Greek and Zindiqi religious and philosophical texts, supported by elites of the era, played an influential role in transmitting rational and philosophical legacy of the ancient Iran—with Manichaeism as its most outstanding discourse. With Zindiqi being suppressed and weakened, this trend exploited the religious face of Islam for conveying its doctrine. Fundamental commonalities between Zindiqi and Ismailia strengthen the hypothesis that the intellectual doctrine of Zindiqi has been transmitted to Ismailia Shias via Shuubiyya literary movement.

Beihagh, the ancient name of Sabsevar, is one of the cities known for its declaration of Shi’ism prior to its establishment at Safavid era. The spread of Shi’ism in Beihagh was as a result of a preparatory stage in the middle of the second century (AH) whose turning point is marked by the presence of Imam Reza (A) in Khorasa and his influential religious enlightenments. The key agents of this preparatory stage were religious chieftains (Noqaba) who were in charge of handling the affairs of Alawis and the Prophet’s descendants in each city. The leadership of Alawis in Neyshabur during early Samanid era was relinquished to Hosseini Alawis ( Benuzbareh). The present study aims at exploring the activities of Zibari religious chieftains in Neyshabur; the reasons for their migration to Beihagh; and their role in deepening Imamate Shi’ism (Twelver doctrine) in Beihagh. The findings of the study reveal that eastern governments’ policies against Zibari chieftains—mainly affected by their religious conflicts—could be seen as one of the major reasons for the Zibaris’ migration to Beihagh. Zibari Hosseini chieftains could work for disseminating and propagating Shia doctrines by means of inviting Shia scholars and attracting Shia descendants of the Prophet from all around the Islamic world and via political, religious, and social managements of their leadership commitments; taking advantage of appropriate religious conditions; and having unceasing supports of Beihagh Twelver Imam Shias.

Considering religious-narrative resources and science of sects and cults, the present study aims at studying the way the Mofawiza and their doctrines were introduced; the historical changes to Shia intellectuals’ confrontations and skirmishes from the third to sixth centuries and their point of zenith. The questions posed are: How did Shia intellectuals react on and confront Tafwiz from its outset up to the sixth century (AH) and how have sect scholars depicted the Mofawiza? The findings reveal that contrary to sects-related sources, religious-narrative sources have fully elaborated on the trend. This indicates the concerns of religious intellectuals about widespread dissemination of Tafwiz doctrine within Shia society and their due attempts for invalidating various claims made by the Mofawiza. Other findings reveal that Shia intellectuals’ movement rose towards its zenith during the fourth century (AH) and followed a descending trend thereafter.

Titles and nicknames, as well as aiding to recognize individuals, can act as significant sources for studying intellectual, political, and religious trends. The philosophy of nomination; its background and social consequences, its historical transformations and the status of those carrying the titles and their affiliates and advocates are all aspects whose investigation can reveal significant historical findings. Studying such titles, while benefiting from other sciences like genealogy, biographical evaluation, gnosis, morality, and exegesis can further expand such propositions. Abu Turab, as the title initially attributed to Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib (A), is one of the titles yielding various mental, political, social, and mystical conceptions at different historical eras. It can thus prove effective in analyzing history of Islam and Shi’ism. While studying the conceptual and historical changes to the tile—Abu Turab—the present study draws the attention of researchers to implications of titles and nicknames in historical studies.

Establishment of Safavid government and a number of acts conducted by them like declaring Twelver Imam Shi’ism as the state religion of Iran and confronting neighboring Sunni rulers made some Shia jurists and intellectuals reconsider and negotiate the political legitimacy of this government, and if they were permitted to cooperate with it. During Safavid dynasty, there were mutual cooperation and convergence between the two institutes of politics and religion, and some jurists were appointed to administrative posts like supervising religious affairs and chancellorship—as the highest judicial and religious post. Considering such issues as well as the trend of formation and stabilization of Safavid dynasty and factors affecting that a number of questions could be posed. The reasons for attention of Safavid rulers to Shia scholars and their vigorous attempts for having their cooperation and assistance; Shia scholars’ admission to cooperate upon the invitation of Safavid rulers and the consequences of mutual cooperation between the two institutes of politics and religion during Safavid era are the issues that could be investigated. Adopting historical and descriptive research methodology and through using primary sources and valid studies, the present study attempts to investigate the relation between Shia scholars and Safavid rulers; the reasons for mutual convergence between the two institutes of politics and religion during Safavid era and their consequences. It seems that factors like political attempts of Safavid rulers for gaining legitimacy and stabilizing the government, requirements made by expansion of the government territories, the necessity of paying attention to the interests of the influential communities particularly intellectuals, the mutual dependence of the two institutes of politics and religion on each other—concerning the time requirements and political conditions of the region—were all at work in affecting the mutual cooperation between Shia scholars and Safavid rulers.