International Journal of Health Policy and Management
Volume:4 Issue: 5, May 2015

Among the many reasons that may limit the adoption of promising reform ideas, policy capacity is the least recognized. The concept itself is not widely understood. Although policy capacity is concerned with the gathering of information and the formulation of options for public action in the initial phases of policy consultation and development, it also touches on all stages of the policy process, from the strategic identification of a problem to the actual development of the policy, its formal adoption, its implementation, and even further, its evaluation and continuation or modification. Expertise in the form of policy advice is already widely available in and to public administrations, to well-established professional organizations like medical societies and, of course, to large private-sector organizations with commercial or financial interests in the health sector. We need more health actors to join the fray and move from their traditional position of advocacy to a fuller commitment to the development of policy capacity, with all that it entails in terms of leadership and social responsibility.

The death of the English National Health Service (NHS) has been pronounced many times over the years, but the time and cause of death and the murder weapon remains to be fully established. This article reviews some of these claims, and asks for clearer criteria and evidence to be presented.

The goal of diabetes control should be feasible in order to minimize the risk of its adverse events and to reduce its burden and cost on patients. The current study aimed to assess the status of glycemic control in male and female patients with Type 2 Diabetes Mellitus (T2DM) in Kerman, Iran. In the present study, 500 T2DM (300 women and 200 men) from the Kerman Coronary Artery Disease Risk Study (KERCADRS), a population-based study from 2009 to 2011, were selected. Patients were >18 years old, had Fasting Blood Sugar (FBS) higher than 126 mg/dl, and had been through treatment for their diagnosed disease. All participants underwent Glycosylated Hemoglobin (HbA1c) analysis. HbA1c less than 7% was considered as good glucose control. Other metabolic indices based on American Diabetes Association (ADA) target recommendations were considered. The mean level of HbA1c in total subjects was 8.56 ± 4.72% that only 31.66% of men and 26.00% of women had controlled level of HbA1c. Total cholesterol less than 200 mg/dl was reported in 64.50% of men and 44.00% of women, High Density Lipoprotein (HDL) more than 40 mg/dl was revealed in 20.50% of men and 34.67% of women, and Low Density Lipoprotein (LDL) less than 100 mg/dl was reported in 41.50% of men and 25.33% of women. In multivariate logistic regression model, longer duration of disease and higher Waist Circumference (WC) were positively associated with uncontrolled diabetes status. The findings of the present study revealed that diabetes control in T2DM was inadequate. Changing the policy of treatment in individual patient and establishing better diabetes clinic to decrease the frequency of uncontrolled T2DM are crucial. Paying attention to other affecting metabolic components such as WC in the process of T2DM management is important.

A number of developing countries have contracted out public health facilities to the Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) in order to improve service utilization. However, there is a paucity of in-depth qualitative information on barriers to access services as a result of contracting from service users’ perspective. The objective of this study was to explore perceived barriers to utilizing Maternal and Neonatal Health (MNH) services, in health facilities contracted out by government to NGO for service provision versus in those which are managed by government (non-contracted). A community-based qualitative exploratory study was conducted between April to September 2012 at two contracted-out and four matched non-contracted primary healthcare facilities in Thatta and Chitral, rural districts of Pakistan. Using semi-structured guide, the data were collected through thirty-six Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) conducted with mothers and their spouses in the catchment areas of selected facilities. Thematic analysis was performed using NVivo version 10.0 in which themes and sub-themes emerged. Key barriers reported in contracted sites included physical distance, user charges and familial influences. Whereas, poor functionality of health centres was the main barrier for non-contracted sites with other issues being comparatively less salient. Decision-making patterns for participants of both catchments were largely similar. Spouses and mother-in-laws particularly influenced the decision to utilize health facilities. Contracting out of health facility reduces supply side barriers to MNH services for the community served but distance, user charges and low awareness remain significant barriers. Contracting needs to be accompanied by measures for transportation in remote settings, oversight on user fee charges by contractor, and strong communitybased behavior change strategies.

Although there is a general agreement on the benefits of evidence informed health policy development given resource constraints especially in Low-Income Countries (LICs), the definition of what evidence is, and what evidence is suitable to guide decision-making is still unclear. Our study is contributing to filling this knowledge gap. We aimed to explore health policy actors’ views regarding what evidence they deemed appropriate to guide health policy development. Using exploratory qualitative methods, we conducted interviews with 51 key informants using an indepth interview guide. We interviewed a diverse group of stakeholders in health policy development and knowledge translation in the Uganda health sector. Data were analyzed using inductive content analysis techniques. Different stakeholders lay emphasis on different kinds of evidence. While donors preferred international evidence and Ministry of Health (MoH) officials looked to local evidence, district health managers preferred local evidence, evidence from routine monitoring and evaluation, and reports from service providers. Service providers on the other hand preferred local evidence and routine monitoring and evaluation reports whilst researchers preferred systematic reviews and clinical trials. Stakeholders preferred evidence covering several aspects impacting on decision-making highlighting the fact that although policy actors look for factual information, they also require evidence on context and implementation feasibility of a policy decision. What LICslike Uganda categorize as evidence suitable for informing policy encompasses several types with no consensus on what is deemed as most appropriate. Evidence must be of high quality, applicable, acceptable to the users, and informing different aspects of decision-making.

Pharmacovigilance (PV) data are crucial for ensuring safety and effectiveness of medicines after drugs have been granted marketing approval. This paper describes the PV systems of India, Uganda and South Africa based on literature and Key Informant (KI) interviews and compares them with the World Health Organization’s (WHO’s) minimum PV requirements for a Functional National PV System. A documentary analysis of academic literature and policy reports was undertaken to assess the medicines regulatory systems and policies in the three countries. A gap analysis from the document review indicated a need for further research in PV. KI interviews covered topics on PV: structure and practices of the system; current regulatory policy; capacity limitations, staffing, funding and training; availability and reporting of data; and awareness and usage of the systems. Twenty interviews were conducted in India, 8 in Uganda and 11 in South Africa with government officials from the ministries of health, national regulatory authorities, pharmaceutical producers, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), members of professional associations and academia. The findings from the literature and KI interviews were compared with WHO’s minimum requirements. All three countries were confronted with similar barriers: lack of sufficient funding, limited number of trained staff, inadequate training programs, unclear roles and poor coordination of activities. Although KI interviews represented viewpoints of the respondents, the findings confirmed the documentary analysis of the literature. Although South Africa has a legal requirement for PV, we found that the three countries uniformly lacked adequate capacity to monitor medicines and evaluate risks according to the minimum standards of the WHO. A strong PV system is an important part of the overall medicine regulatory system and reflects on the stringency and competence of the regulatory bodies in regulating the market ensuring the safety and effectiveness of medications. National PV systems in the study countries needed strengthening. Greater attention to funding is needed to coordinate and sustain PV activities. Our study highlights a need for developing more systematic approaches to regularly monitoring and evaluating PV policy and practices.

International health is still highly dominated by equilibrium approaches. The emergence of systems thinking in international health provides a great avenue to develop innovative health interventions adapted to changing contexts. The public health community, nevertheless, has the responsibility to translate concepts related to systems thinking and complexity into concrete research methods and interventions. One possibility is to consider the properties of systems such as resilience and adaptability as entry points to better understand how health systems react to shocks.

In this comment, I build on Shiffman’s call for the global health community to more deeply investigate structural and productive power. I highlight two challenges we must grapple with as social scientists carrying out the types of investigation that Shiffman proposes: the politics of challenging the powerful; and the need to investigate types of expertise that have traditionally been thought of as ‘outside’ global health. In doing so, I argue that moving forward with the agenda Shiffman sets out requires social scientists interested in the global politics of health to be reflexive about our own exercise of structural and productive power and the fact that researching global health politics is itself a political undertaking.

The editorial by Jeremy Shiffman, “Knowledge, moral claims and the exercise of power in global health”, highlights the influence on global health priority-setting of individuals and organizations that do not have a formal political mandate. This sheds light on the way key functions in global health depend on private funding, particularly from the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation.

Diagnosis-Related Group (DRG) systems across Europe are very heterogeneous, in particular because of different classification variables and algorithms as well as costing methodologies. But, given the challenge of increasing patient mobility within Europe, health systems are forced to incorporate a common patient classification language in order to compare and identify similar patients e.g. for reimbursement purposes. Beside the national adoption of DRGs for a wide range of purposes (measuring hospital activity vs. paying hospitals), a common DRG system can serve as an international communication basis among health administrators and can reduce the national development efforts as it is demonstrated by the NordDRG consortium.

Shiffman has argued that some actors have a great deal of power in global health, and that more reflection is needed on whether such forms of power are legitimate. Global health is a new and evolving field that builds upon the historical fields of public and international health, but is more multi-disciplinary and inter-disciplinary in nature. This article argues that the distribution of power in some global health institutions may be limiting the contributions of all researchers in the field

An understanding of patient mobility, international patients and medical tourism includes supply and demand side considerations. As well as micro-level reports of motivation and satisfaction we must acknowledge broader system-level dynamics. Exploring these may unearth more complex geographies of patient travel.

Maldistribution of health professionals between urban and rural areas has been a serious problem in China. Urban hospitals attract most of the health professionals with serious shortages in rural areas. To address this issue, a number of policies have been implemented by the government, such as free medical education in exchange for obligatory rural service.

The principal problems of healthcare services in China are “difficulty in seeing a doctor”and “high expense of getting medical service” (commonly known in Chinese as “kan bing nan, kan bing gui”). The central Chinese government has already launched the bottom-up cascading medical system and two-way referral system recently in order to solve these problems (1). Only when patients go to medical institutions in an orderly fashion, can we see the hope of breaking the kan bing nan, kan bing gui (2). However, we face a number of obstacles when implementing the referral policies. The biggest obstacle is the lack of Human Resource (HR) for primary care both in capacity and volume (3). The central Chinese government has launched a series of policies to deal with the shortage of HRs in rural areas. Profound measurements involve postgraduate training for General Practitioner (GP) (a three-year plan beginning in 2010 for producing health professionals for rural areas and improving rural retention), “3+2” medical education model (3-year diploma education and 2-year postgraduate GP training), and in-service training for physicians in rural areas (4). It is not the time to assess their effectiveness, however, these measurements are certain to improve the capacity of Community Health Service (CHS) institutions.

Over the past three decades, the Iranian health system has undergone a wide range of reforms. This period has been associated with changes that have helped improve Iran’s health system. The most visible breakthrough has been the establishment and improvement of Primary Health Care (PHC) with an emphasis on rural regions (i.e. rural health centers and rural Health Houses), which represented a condition highlighting the potentials of Behvarz (i.e. community health worker) in PHC. The PHC model is composed of eight elements including: health education, vaccination, mother and child care, nutrition, environmental health, control of endemic and common diseases, epidemic control, and essential drugs. This period has led to remarkable achievements in various areas from prevention to treatment (1,2).