نشریه مطالعات تاریخ انتظامی
پیاپی 4 (بهار 1394)

his research tries to provide a methodological knowledge of traditional organization of urban administration in the Qajar Era and its police's most significant authorities including governor, marshal and sheriff; the currents dominating the work of these executive organs and the changes created in the urban security situation as the result of connection with the Western countries, particularly establishing sentries, petition boxes, police formation and its efficiency. The issue of security and its enforcement in cities and borders was one of significant problems for the Qajar government and the fragility in this realm threatened its survival as a state. While trying to maintain traditional organization in the security sphere, the Qajars sought to do some reforms so that they achieve a desirable security. The findings indicate that the inefficiency of traditional organization in providing security for the Iranian cities made it necessary to create new police organization but the changes in legal and security affairs failed to survive and establish security in Qajar Era due to the following fundamental reasons: being hereditary and selling the jobs, domination of nepotism in recruiting, lack of order in taking taxes, continuation of corruption and discontent of some domestic people towards adoption of the new Western police model.

s the officers of exploring crimes, the judicial constables play an important role in establishing public order and social security. Since establishing public order and social security is desirable when the issue does not cause violating citizenship rights and legitimate freedoms, so it is necessary that the legislator determine specific conditions for recruiting constables and their features in terms of institutions and personalities exactly. The aim of this research is to examine the historical trajectory of judicial constable authority in Iranian criminal law system and determine the performance of legislator in direction of identifying exact features of judicial constables. This research is an applied one in terms of goals which is conducted through examining scientific documents of information and data, and it is done by analytical-descriptive method. the findings show that although Iranian legislative system does not pay attention to its duty for determining the conditions of judicial constables, but finally in 2013 act of criminal procedure, it was determined the conditions of judicial constables and on the other hand, the post was conditioned to some certain innate and formal features.

o doubt, establishing order and security is one of concerns held by sovereignty and executive institution. This issue has been discussed during history by rulers in the form of specific structures and in most cases, in the form of commands, orders and instructions. In the Teymurid Era, the principles and rules of establishing order and security were emphasized within two norms: Mongolian and Islamic. In the Mongolian tradition, following Genghisian Yasa of which Teymur regarded himself as its inheritor, beside Islamic doctrine and Sharia were interwoven and the result was a series of commands, recommendations and rules issued by Teymur. These laws and plans were compiled and written in the famous book "Teymurid Tazukat" by Abu-Talib Hosseini Torbati. The main problem of this research is the amount of accordance between Teymur's recommendations and his emphasize on Mongol and Islamic traditions regarding Teymurid king's performance. The main question of the article is: What is the relationship between Teymur's statements in Teymurid Tazukat and the Teymurid king's measures in society and how this trend took place in the Teymur's substitution period? The findings indicate that in different periods, the Teymurid king's performances towards social order and security were different according to their policies and authorities. Also these conditions in the era of Teymurid dynasty decline caused the trend of establishing social order and security by Teymur could not taken place and it was neglected.

s an signification issue and objective experience at the same time, security is the basic pillar of formation of human societies and individual identities in society. The individual identity in human societies are not possible without determining the meaning of "who we are" which is derived from the past. Therefore there is a conceptual coherence between security, identity and the past. in the globalization era and nation-state security system, security studies have transcended from realist approach based on national security i.e. state security and propounded "societal security" based on the security of identities. The main problem o this article is to illustrate the significance of recognizing the relationship between security and identity and past narrations in new approaches, and at the same time, it examines the strategic significance of teaching Iranian history in internalizing cultural and social values of national identity in relation with national security. on this basis, i have tried to illustrate the meaning represented from this kind of narrating the past under security and national security by genealogy of the position of history as past in constructing political identities of pre-modern and modern states in Iran which reduced it to "state security" hence denied the possibility of forming and continuing reinforcing concepts for understanding "societal security" in the institution authorized for establishing order and security in sovereignty. Accepting the duality of order/disorder and authority/anarchy as the historical reality of Iranian society has established this mechanism of marginalizing in direction of making state as the guardian of security and reducing the concept of national security to state security.

uring history, Iranian governments have been mostly land-based than marine-based. By emerging new marine powers and entering Portuguese into the Persian Gulf and European developments in new centuries that culminated in their presence all over the world, different countries competed in the Persian Gulf politics and commerce which attracted Iranian king's attraction towards this strategic place of the world. This article examines Nader Shah's objectives and measures for establishing marine border navy. The article tries to answer this question: What was the impact of establishing navy force on controlling the southern marine borders and whether it happened as the result of new developments in the relationship between central government and hostile forces including southern tribes and western powers? The hypothesis is that due to the significance of southern marine borders, Nader Shah sought to have a powerful presence at local, national and international levels of the Persian Gulf borders and establishing navy force in the region have been in this direction.

aying attention to security is one of the requirements of every state. The modernist state of First Pahlavi seriously considered social security from its own perspective. The aim of this research is to describe and analyze social security in the First Pahlavi era. The method is qualitative and historical-analytical one. By using written sources, this research deals with the question: Given the economic, social and cultural policies of First Pahlavi modernist state, how was social security in that era? The findings indicate that in the First Pahlavi era, the most significant task of modernist state, particularly police forces (Shahrbani), was to support absolute power of monarchy and preventing from every kind of political and social movements and legitimate freedoms. It was organized in a way that up-down policies and authoritarian measures of the regime could be implemented in social, economic and cultural dimensions, particularly weakening clergymen, uniform clothes, eliminating Islamic veils, anti-religion measures including destroying religious identity and culture, formal parliament, press censorship, property arrogation, horrible security organizations and so on, were not only the sources of fear and suffocation in society but also indicated the lack of social security in the First Pahlavi society.