فصلنامه دولت پژوهی
پیاپی 4 (زمستان 1394)

The aim of this research is the analysis of internet’s impact on shaping silent revolution in Middle East and then, occurrence of Arab spring in the context of this revolution in framework of Ingelhart theory. By attention to this aim, the author has tried to give quantitative and analytical answer to this question: what is the most important factor on shaping of silent revolution in urban and educated youth in the Middle East from 2000s onward? What is the behavioral repercussion of this revolution? Without denying the impact of development in educational system as control variable, the hypothesis in this research is that the increasing of availability and using internet from the second half of 2000s decade onward has been led to shaping of silent revolution in attitude dimension and then, in shaping and intensification of protest actions in cyber and non-cyber sphere and Arab spring at behavioral one. By attention to these socio-political circumstances, The Middle East region has been the focus attention of mass media, analysts and public opinion in the world.
Design/Methodology/Approach: This paper is formed and based on causal-analytical explanative method and secondary analysis of data by using of attitude-value survey data from regional and world research centers.
Findings: The result of this research is that in more than one last decade, internet has been much efficient on the changing of urban and educated youth at value-attitude and behavioral dimensions in Middle East. This change can be named as silent revolution. But this result cannot be verified for illiterate or little literate masses, so we cannot deny the impact of educational system as a field or control variable that has been hypothesized in this research. Findings of this research show that without these value/attitude developments and changes, we couldn’t see the last political protests in this region. Of course, it is so soon that these protests are named as a revolution. But by extension of these changes in value and behavioral dimensions and other requirements in future, probably we will see the development toward to real revolution. At present time in the context of attitude and awareness changing, the urban and educated youth acts as the important actor in socio-political sphere of Middle East.
Originality/Value: The silent revolution is an idiom that has been used for changes in socio-political values and beliefs. This revolution can be an introduction or incitement for political protest and socio-political developments. The present research is new due to reasons such as: absence of direct research with this title, application of the theory of silent revolution, using world and regional value survey centers and then, making relation between value and awareness changes and political protests in Middle East and North Africa in the last decade. In this research, it has been tried to test a fulfilled theory in west Europe but now in a different region.

By analytical methods and verification sources, we interpreted that the nature and function of government can be analayzed "government as take over" via reorganization of a historical statements. By Referring to historical statements, this approach will prove because the Seljuks in the beginning of his rule paved by sword and dominance on Iran, have not has non-Iranian origin and despite the deployment of Iranian bureaucrats, administrative elite lost their lives in a power struggle.
Design/Methodology/Approach: In the structure of political power and its relations with society and the nature of government in Nizam al-Mulk era can be rotated on the principle of centralization of power mostly nature's owner named Malik- al roqab. The problem of my article is: Why and by affected of which Components created the socio-cultural and political power relations with productive forces of society in the era of Nizam al-Mulk? Discuss the issue and approach research questions based on the pattern of historical sociology. Our goal in this context is relation between reason on the behavior and performance of the state of Nizam al-Mulk with the theoretical approach as a takeover of government affairs. The objective is to evaluate the performance of the network and power relations, and behaviors by examining the behavior of ruling the state of Nizam al-Mulk by using of micro analysis.
Findings: 1. they were dominated a model of production which were based on nomadic life, developed land authorization pattern, dropped the possibility of accumulation of capital and its circulation in spite of economic development and expansion of land under significant. So, there were not stages of evolution and mutations at this point in history. In fact, all of great events that occurred only within a closed circle which was controlled by government. Government was strengthen by adopting and Arbab- Farmhouse in economic, social and political scene. Centralized state caused by Nizam al-Mulk took advantage of the situation to institutionalize its dominance but for transition to constitutional change didnt occur a mutation making 2. At Nizam al-Mulk period, despite of traditional distribution of power in the subsidiary states of Empire reproduced the absolute nature of the state and its model of soverign sustained in the administration scene. The main factor which rebuilds it was the emphysis on Justice Component means preserving the existing balance of power around Sultan. The balance of justice asserts that anyone stay in their place.
Originality/ Value: this article concluded that historical sociology of state and ite relation with social structure and production model at Nizam-al Molk era showed us that some elements prevented in evaloution of economical structure despite of huge action and acts in this sphere. Primacy of justices on freedom have the main role of Prevent the development and mutation.

The interpretation of the political sphere in Pahlavi’s age, based on the nostalgia paradigm, is the scope and purpose of this paper. Nostalgia, as the fundamental situation of human mental life, can affect the political area by its own ideas, concepts and operation. In this paper, focusing on the period of Pahlavi, We intend to show that legitimacy, which is one of the basic concepts related to the politics, had taken the nostalgic nature. Nostalgia paradigm, consciously and unconsciously, had become one of the established and dominant discourses in Pahlavi’s age. Nostalgia was the point of connection of culture and politics. Nostalgia paradigm was so pervasive that even the formation of theoretical ideas and thoughts of competing sides could be achieved and fulfilled in the same paradigm. The generality of Nostalgia not only included the official, governmental and nationalist discourse, but also the rival Islamist discourses (And some other discourses). Nostalgia paradigm in politics gained credibility and legitimacy for one (government side) and worked in order to delegitimize the existing political system for other (competing discourses).
Design/Methodology/Approach: Combining the historical data with the adopted explanatory approach (interpretative-phenomenological approach), this article provides an analysis of the contemporary history of Iran. This combination seeks the means of nostalgia paradigm and uses Jacques Lacan’s psychological theory of the triple order (imaginary, symbolic and real order). Also, it explains the phenomena such as meaning, legitimacy and anti-legitimacy, identity and identification, self and other, and finally, presence and absence.
Findings: The problem of this paper is to analyze the relationship between nostalgia and political credibility (legitimation) and finding the answer to these questions: how nostalgia is political? Or, what the appearance of nostalgic acts at the political level and in the realm of politics means? There is a familiar and well-known response to these questions: legitimacy. But, the specific findings of this paper can be formulated as follows: Nostalgia is one of the most dominant paradigms of the intellectual, cultural, political and social life of Iranians in the 20th century; it can be claimed that the political realm became the playing field of various nostalgias. In short, nostalgia was the source of access to legitimacy and also delegitimizing.
Originality/Value: (a) Using a theoretical and methodological approach to review politics and political culture in the Pahlavi period. (b) Exploring the nostalgia as the dominant paradigm in the cultural, social and political space. (c) Exploring the political dimension of nostalgia in that period. (d) Exploring the dual Operation of nostalgic paradigm in the course of Iranian history and politics in the 20th century (not only in the discourse of ancient-oriented nationalism, but also in Islamic nationalism).

After the Islamic Revolution, some intellectual and political currents discussed the concept of development. In the wake of continuing discussion on development, liberal development discourse arose from the intellectual and political currents of the 70th. In this article, we want to show how the concept of development appeared, why it was rejected by some groups, and what happened to its meaning.
Design/Methodology/Approach: In this regard, we can pay attention to the works of Mahmud Sariolghalam & Mouse Ghaninejad for a deeper understanding of the intellectual and political content of liberalism in Iran. Development discourse tries to articulate main concepts such as small government, freedom, market economy, and human rights. This study tries to examine the development discourse by using discourse analysis.
Findings: The mail question of this article is this: What is change from the perspective of liberal development discourse? In response to this question, it can be said: the change consist of the process of modernization and transition from traditional society to modern society. This means “liberal modernization”. The main element of liberal current is the optimization of liberal system, economic competition and a minimum role of state in domestic politics and international trade. The supporters of liberal current pay attention to change and modernization, and hold an optimistic view of new western civilization. They believe that in failure to reach development, determinant factors are domestic factors such as wrong thoughts and beliefs of Iranian culture.
Originality/Value: In this article, we investigate liberal development discourse and try to establish a relationship between liberal current and development. This current defends a systematic liberal perspective and a competitive economy. The Adherents of this current believe that the state intervention in economic activities must become very minimal.

In recent decades, the far-right populist parties and movements, after a recess (in Germany and Italy between the two world wars), have returned to the political scene of European democracy. Return of populism to the political scene of Western Europe in the form of far-right movements rooted in the failure of the traditional parties in a sufficient and adequate response to issues such as globalization, economy and culture, speed and direction of integration in Europe, the issue of migration and immigration, the decline of ideologies, decreased interest in political participation and cynicism and distrust of citizens to politicians.
Findings: In recent decades, Far-right parties not only have been able to present tangibly in the political life of their communities, but also have attained great successes in electoral processes. Extreme right-wing populism in recent decades is only a model of populism in political sociology. The elements and features of this model of populism are a romantic concepttion of the people, a charismatic leader, pessimistic view of democratic institutions such as political parties and parliament (the inability of these institutions in the realization of the will and sovereignty of the people), plain language, propaganda, political rhetoric, criticizing the ruling elite, conspiracy theory in speech and political literature, and the lack of a coherent program in various aspects. This model of right-wing populism can have significant consequences. It can lead to the serious obstacles to the process of integration of Muslim immigrants in French society. On the other hand, the strengthening of radical Islamism can lead to the spread of terrorist activities.
Design/Methodology/Approach: In this paper, we use interpretive and analytical-theoretical method to discuss the French National Front as the most prominent representative of the extreme right in this country's political scene.
Originality/Value: The main finding of this paper is that through new forms of communication, populist parties have been able to communicate with citizens and their representatives. Despair of traditional policies has drawn citizens’ attention to populist parties and movements. The combination of demagogic promises and slogans such as complete and real democracy, extremely hostile attitude to the ruling parties and immigration restrictations have shaped these parties and movements.

Before the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty, the Iranian Society relied on entities and associations that were independent to a significant degree; this paper tries to explain the relations between society of Iran and its antagonistic opposition with the government in in the era of Pahlavi emergence. From this point of view, before the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty, the Iranian Society relied on entities and associations that were independent to a significant degree and Social control were prevented by them. In this regard, for example the Shi’i scholars had the opportunity to criticize the governmental actions due to their financial independence and having the mosque tribunes under their control as well as having the exclusive right to interpret the religious rules. Therefore, Reza Shah who was aware of the power of opposition gradually started to show a negative reaction to them. Therefor Government to achieve its modernization goals did not bear the power of social networks. Using case studies and revision political actions and combining the social Control theories, this paper tries to explain the relations and Competition between the society and oppressive government on social control, in the era of Pahlavi.
Design/Methodology/Approach:Case study research is a methodology which refers to the in depth analysis of some historical facts before the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty and some facts about society of Iran in the era of Pahlavi emergence.
Findings: The concepts of social control and governance are closely related, from this point of view Reza Shah who was aware of the power of the society in Iran gradually started to show a negative reaction to the oppositions against his suppressive and secular policies and in place of reinforcing a legal authority, he tried to suppress the social movements through threatening, dual game, assassination, conspirators as well as using the militaristic powers. Therefor Government to achieve its modernization goals did not bear the power of social networks. This policy not only was based on Iran cultural and social condition but also created many fundamental problems and specially caused antagonism between tradition and modernity in Iran.
Originality/Value: Along with the emergence of modern states, the concept of social control has undergone a fundamental transformation and governmental approaches were ruled to governmental surveillances. This article reviews the concept of social control to re-reading the history of the modern state in Iran. From this point of view, before the establishment of the Pahlavi Dynasty, the Iranian Society relied on entities and associations that were independent to a significant degree and Social control were prevented by them. Using case studies and revision political actions and combining the social Control theories, this paper tries to explain the relations and Competition between the society and oppressive government on social control, in the the era of Pahlavi.