نشریه سیاست پژوهی ایرانی
سال پنجم شماره 3 (پیاپی 17، پاییز 1397)

Psychological and intellectual needs are the most important needs of the youth of Islamic societies; and if ignored and neglected, it will lead to deviations and disastrous consequences. One of the consequences of this is the tragedy of Westernization and the lack of identity of the youth, which appears in various ways. Considering the importance of this issue, the main purpose of this study is to find the origins of the challenge of Westernization of the youth of Islamic countries. The research method is library research. In this research, after examining the historical course of Westernization in Iran and Turkey, the political, economic, cultural and social factors of westernization and the consequences of the separation of religion and culture in society and the Western practice in this field are described.

The discovery of the causes of the war for a better understanding of it and, if possible, avoiding it, is one of the factors driving knowledge of international relations. Hegemonic behavior and hegemonic governments are the main source of hegemonic international relations theories for a better understanding of hegemonic wars, especially wars between the dominant hegemon and the challenging government calling for hegemony. In this regard, the main purpose of the present paper is to examine and criticize the hegemonic theories of international relations about the Iraq war in 2003 based on the hegemonic behavior or hegemonic governments, with an emphasis on the impact of US behavior as hegemony. The research method is library research and descriptive research. The research findings show that global hegemony, and in particular the United States hegemony, have two options because of the lack of a reference group of hegemons, where hegemony is fully, mutually and peacefully happens: first, hegemony can be exercised for the highest degree of dominance, authority, and leadership, through peaceful practices such as promoting new norms and exercising legitimate leadership based on standards accepted by others, or on a very different path in the traditional way of winning a major war or resorting to force in limited dimensions. Whenever the weight of the option of using force in hegemonic policies increases, the probable conditions of leading to war occur with a higher probability.

The Charter of Civil Rights in Iran was proclaimed by President Hassan Rouhani on December 19, 2016. This charter is a set of rights and freedoms that its binding and citation aspects are notable. Therefore, the present study, examines the status of this charter in legal sources assuming the equality of human and civil rights in the Charter of Civil Rights. The present study’s research method is library research and descriptive correlational research. The results showed that the Charter of Civil Rights, like Human-Civil Rights, has come into force and can be invoked according to the declared aspect of these rights, except in cases of conflict with human rights treaties and the constitutional law. Contrary to its claims, the charter does not, at least in the domestic law, is not a policy or program, as neither of the trilateral forces cannot abandon or restrict it. However, it is considered to be a legitimate expectation. The Charter of Civil Rights should be seen as a new window on the list of Iranian law sources. Although, according to some scholars, the charter is selective and is essentially a matter of political affairs, it seems that the charter mostly extends the rights and freedoms in a longitudinal and latitudinal way, and this expansion leads to an increase in the depth of Iranian law.

Today, Takfir and terrorism are among Muslims and Christians as a deviant and violent thought, especially in the religious-political arena, and it is important to reveal the nature of these Takfiri-terrorist cults. In this regard, this study investigates the emergence backgrounds of Takfir and terrorism among Muslims and Christians, in particular the common aspects of the ISIS cult and Ku Klux Klan applying library research and descriptive correlational research methods. To this end, the historical dimensions of Takfir and terrorism have been investigated from the past to today among Muslims and Christians, and then the common beliefs and goals of the Takfiri cults have been analyzed. The results show that the attitudes of Takfiri cults in Islam and Christianity are not rooted in religion and faith. What is common among these two cults includes deviations from the religious principles, and the political orientation, violence incentives, and domineering. Also, the powers’ behind the curtain political motives has a great demonstration on escalating the crisis in Islamic countries. ISIS and Ku Klux Klan are not approved by Islam and Christianity, and promotion of political awareness and understanding of the essence of religion are among the most important methods for dealing with Takfir.

In the 1950s, the European region made integration in the form of European community. Various views were presented by scholars, including Andrew Moravcsik who brought up the theory of “Liberal Intergovernmentalism” by examining the strengths and weaknesses of the European community. Since this theory, compared with other theories, shows the integration among European Union in a more practical way especially in the context of the common agricultural policy, the present study examines the common foreign and security policy of the European Union towards the Syrian crisis based on this theory.
The present study’s research method is library research and descriptive correlational research. The hypothesis of the article is that the common foreign and security policy of the European Union has not been met due to the different behavior of the main actors of the European Union (UK, Germany, and France) over the Syrian crisis. The results of this research show that considering the assumptions of identifying states as the main actors of integration and rationalizing their behavior, the theory of “Liberal Intergovernmentalism”, in contrast to other similar theories, has a more realistic view of European integration. In this theory, integration between governments was examined in three stages of identification of national preferences, bargaining between governments, and institutional selection, among which integrated institutions and the common foreign and security policy of the European Union after the Maastricht Treaty was of great importance among the integrated institutions.

The Baloch people are considered as one of Iran's most important minorities and ethnicities, and while they take advantage of a high solidarity, they can sometimes bring challenges for the central government and create a context of ​​independence and separatism in that country. Considering the importance of the Baloch national solidarity with the central government, the main goal of the present research is to investigate the role of the Baloch people in Iranian national identity and solidarity, especially after the victory of the Islamic Revolution. The present study’s research method is library research and descriptive research. The findings indicate that in the Sistan and Baluchistan region, there have never been ethno-movements occurring, in its usual sense. On the other hand, national solidarity is created when a person in a society like Iran does not feel like being the other, while the people of Sistan and Baluchestan are very familiar with this feeling because of their many deprivations. Therefore, in order to strengthen national identity and solidarity, the government should be concerned with the expansion of appropriate privileges, facilities and funds to all parts of the country, including Sistan and Baluchistan, otherwise national solidarity will be replaced with dissociation and division.

The purpose of this study is to compare the economic performance of Mahathir Bin Mohammad’s government in Malaysia and Seyyed Mohammad Khatami’s in the Islamic Republic of Iran based on “Adrian Leftwich's” theory of the role of political structure and government in the economic growth and development of countries. The present study’s research method is library research and descriptive analytical research. Considering the common points in the thoughts of Seyyed Mohammad Khatami and Mahathir Bin Mohammad on economic development, this study examines the reasons behind the weaker performance of Seyyed Mohammad Khatami compared with his counterpart in Malaysia. The findings suggest that, despite Khatami's and Mahatir Bin Mohammad's similar economic views, Khatami was unable to fully implement his economic plans due to the lack of authority and power of the president in determining the economic policies of Iran. While the political structure and compliance of other Malaysian political institutions from Mahathir Bin Mohammad led him to move Malaysia towards economic development using his economic plans. Therefore, Iran's economic development requires a national consensus and support for established economic policies. In sum, economic development requires a calm and low-tension environment, the internal solidarity among the elite of the community, political and religious pluralism, political stability, and a culture of collective efforts.