نشریه مطالعات راهبردی آمریکا
پیاپی 8 (زمستان 1401)

The Islamic Republic of Iran, as an actor that has challenged the hegemony of the United States and the ruling system of international relations and is a serious and active critic of the oppressive and unjust relations ruling the world, is always one of the strategic and main goals of the United States in combined war and coercive diplomacy. It has been in the field of foreign policy that with different methods and tools such as arms embargo, political pressure, economic embargo and efforts to isolate and narrow the circle of encirclement of the Islamic Revolution, it has demanded the submission of the Islamic Republic and following American regional and global policies. has been Considering that along with the conventional and unconventional means of combined warfare, including economic war, information war, political war, cultural war, psychological operations, cyber attacks, insecurity and internal destabilization, "diplomacy" and "diplomatic war" are also one of the The main and important axes of this type of combined war, this article seeks to investigate and analyze the nature and dimensions of combined war of America against the Islamic Republic according to the narrative of diplomacy and negotiation.

In 2019, the world was faced with the outbreak of a pandemic that few thought at first would turn into a global crisis. With the name Covid-19, this disease had such an influence capacity that some people talk about the world before and after it. Because although it started as a medical crisis and then progressed to a social crisis, it finally showed itself as a global threat with geopolitical effects. Therefore, studying the relationship between this disease and the structure of the international system highlights the importance of conducting this research. Thus, this research, focusing on the hegemonic capabilities of China as the primary challenger to America's supremacy, raises the question; China’s increasing influence in the post-corona system is based on what kind of scenario and can Beijing enter the phase of replacing the hegemon? The results of the research based on the mixed approach (qualitative and quantitative) and in the framework of scenario-planning showed that more than being a turning point in the direction of the change of hegemony, the coronavirus, as an accelerating element, brought China into the third stage of the power cycle, which is the delegitimization of American hegemony.

Today, cyber space has been turned into one of the most important dimensions of security in our world. With the development and growth of cyber technology, we face an increase in threats of this arena. According to their goals, governmental and non- governmental actors have taken actions against U.S national security. Therefore, change and evolution in the national security with considering cyberspace and its possible threats, from George W. Bush time, has borne different characteristics. The paper tries to review the characteristics of policy and strategies of the U.S presidents against the threats. To answer the paper`s central question, we show that the U.S cyber strategy, under Bush, was defensive and marginal; had domestic and international development under Obama; and was openly offensive under Trump. This paper has been written by library resources and documents in content analysis method and descriptive approach.Keywords: Cyber security, US, Bush, Obama, Trump

The purpose of this article is to extract the model of popular resistance based on the thoughts of Imam Khamenei; In order to achieve this goal, after explaining the theoretical literature, using the method of theme network analysis, Imam Khamenei's oral and written statements in the field of resistance and a total of 317 indicators; 140 components and 17 dimensions were extracted. The findings indicate that, firstly the sustainable progress of the nations without resistance at four national levels. regional, trans-regional and global and two Islamic and non-Islamic environments are not possible:And on the other hand, to immediately stabilize the position and protect the achievements of the Resistance Front in the rapid changes of the post-American era, avoiding the formation of the "Resistant Nation (RN)" organization in Tehran.And on the other hand, in order to immediately stabilize the position of the resistance front in the developments of the post-American era, there is no escaping the formation of the "Resistant Nation (RN)" organization in Tehran and the organization of all anti-dominion spectrums around the world under an official institution in 17 dimensions.

As one of the powerful countries, China has serious cooperation with developing countries in the form of "partnership". Beijing is trying to advance its economic relations in the Persian Gulf region by planning various types of partnership and cooperation, among which Iran and Saudi Arabia have a special position. The question that arises is; What are the goals of China's cooperation with Iran and Saudi Arabia? The hypothesis is that China's partnership with Iran is based on a counter-hegemonic approach with the aim of reducing the power of the United States and with Saudi Arabia, in order to provide energy and China's access to maritime trade in the Persian Gulf and the African continent, which is a serious criticism of American unilateralism. Is. The findings of this article show that by choosing a country like Saudi Arabia, China seeks to persuade it to its side and distance them from the United States of America, which has led Saudi Arabia to make relatively independent decisions from the United States of America. Iran, which has had anti-American policies in the Persian Gulf region for a long time, has anti-hegemon in common with China in the political and ideological field against America, and has much less trade exchanges with China than Saudi Arabia. The observational approach in this research is based on the descriptive-analytical approach, and data collection is a library, both written and electronic, and we have used the theoretical framework of "counter-hegemony".

United States of America hold first rank in the world based on COVID-19 pandemic crisis infection and deaths, and has been critiqued about the poor management and leadership of the COVID-19 crisis.Therefore, this question is raised, what are the factors of the failure of the United States governance system in managing the COVID-19 pandemic crisis?To answer this question, published papers in 2020 and 2021 are explored and analyzed.For this purpose,the Meta-synthesis method and open coding are used.Meta-synthesis findings showed that the studied papers posed six basic factors as the failure factors of US governance system in managing the COVID-19 pandemic crisis, respectively: structural factors (federalism and intragovernmental relations and separation of powers (Senate, House of Representatives, and federal government)); political factors (political ideology, political industry, and partisan and political polarization); factors relevant to public management and leadership (personality of the US president (Trumpism), and crisis management and leadership); social factors (distrust, social injustice, social disconnection (disintegration)); factors relevant to government nature and capacity (inefficiency of bureaucracy (government administrative structure) and privatization), and policy factors (neoliberal policies and health policies). Knowledge from this research could change the view of the world scholars and practitioners toward paradigms and theoretical foundations of management and governance from USA or at least rethink them. Because, affecting factors on the failure of the United States in the successful dealing with COVID-19 is beyond United States' President and his administration failure and disability, and is entrenched in the United States inefficient and declining political and governance system.