احمد آذین

Today, one of the important issues of developing societies, including Iran, is the category of generational relations. This research compared the attitudes and social values of the fourth generation with the first generation of the Islamic Revolution of Iran (case study: university students of Tehran province). Therefore, the question is what are the differences and similarities between the attitudes and values of the fourth generation of the Islamic Revolution and the first generation from a social point of view.The aim of this research is to compare the social attitudes of the fourth generation with the first generation of the Islamic Revolution (statistical sample: university students of Tehran province). The type of applied research and its method is a survey using documentary sources and a questionnaire. Based on this, two indicators in the social field were proposed as research hypotheses. In the social field, two indicators "mass communication tools and virtual space" and "social vitality" were determined and selected.The results and findings of the research show that the social index of access to social media and virtual space of the fourth generation of the Islamic Revolution is different from the first generation, and the social happiness index of the fourth generation is similar to the first generation.

Given the important role and influence that the Islamic Republic of Iran has in the developments in the West Asian region, the use of deterrence policy and defense diplomacy to repel threats is considered a strategic issue. This type of deterrence policy is influenced by the doctrine of Ayatollah Khamenei, who believes that in the field of defense and deterrence, all governments and nations need security and should play a role in designing a public security model and protecting it. The question raised in this article is what components does Iran's deterrence policy in the West Asian region contain based on the Supreme Leader's defense diplomacy strategies? The results and findings of the article show that in the Islamic Republic of Iran, defense cooperation stems from the country's foreign policy framework. In such a case, the goals of defense diplomacy are subordinate to the general goals of foreign policy, and defense diplomacy is a subset of foreign policy. Accordingly, the country's defense diplomacy stems from the principles and teachings of Ayatollah Khamenei. Defense diplomacy in the leadership's thinking is based on three principles: brotherly relations with Islamic countries, dealing with enemies, and peaceful relations with friendly countries. The pillars of Iran's defense diplomacy and fruitfulness from the leadership's perspective are: "fighting the system of domination", "military and defense cooperation", and "strengthening military alliances in the Islamic world".

In the post-Iran-Iraq War era, Iran’s defense and security policymakers have increasingly prioritized expanding military power, particularly through missile development strategies. Since then, the Islamic Republic of Iran has consistently considered missiles a legitimate tool for self-defense. In ongoing confrontations between Iran and the United States, preventing the advancement of Iran’s defensive capabilities has been a significant challenge for U.S. foreign policy. Consequently, the U.S. has employed various strategies to limit and halt Iran’s missile program, including the implementation of secondary sanctions by Congress. These sanctions intensified in 2012 and continued until the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) was established. Most secondary sanctions were suspended after the JCPOA agreement but were reimposed with greater intensity following the U.S.’s unilateral withdrawal from the JCPOA in 2018 under President Trump. This study addresses the main question: What impact have U.S. Congressional secondary sanctions had on the missile defense program of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The research employs a qualitative method involving thematic analysis, gathering information through interviews. Thematic analysis of the data yielded four primary themes: restrictions on access to technology, increased costs, restrictions on access to expert workforce, and the localization of missile technology to enhance deterrent capability. According to the experts in this study, these themes are the most critical factors influenced by U.S. Congressional secondary sanctions on Iran’s missile defense program.

The discussion about the issue of ethics and politics and its relationship has been of interest for a long time; In such a way that there have been disagreements and disagreements, and even conflicting opinions. The purpose of this article is to examine Imam Khomeini's view as a politician, jurist, philosopher and mystic of the present era, about the relationship between ethics and politics, and the question is, what is the inner logic of Imam's theory about this relationship? Therefore, the present research has focused on Imam Khomeini's thought, by conducting a descriptive-analytical research in a library method, and has examined the internal logic of his ideas with the analytical model of Thomas Spriggans.According to the findings of this research, the main axis of the internal logic of Imam Khomeini's views on ethics and politics and the relationship between the two is his Islamic worldview, and the main foundation of the Imam's worldview is the principles of Islam (especially the principle of monotheism). Imam Khomeini considers ethics and politics to be a supreme value and worship, which are the cause of human excellence and happiness and the prelude to his reaching the ultimate goal of creation. In Imam's worldview, reaching the truth of monotheism and monotheism is defined as the main goal of creation and the cause of human happiness, and this is the goal and duty of ethics and politics. As a result, the relationship between ethics and politics is an absolute, necessary and unique relationship. Based on the analysis of Imam Khomeini's views in the form of Spriggan's analytical model, the Imam believes that the solution to the existing crises is the creation of unity between ethics and politics, and in a word, the rule of Islam over all aspects of human life in the world.

The feeling of belonging to the national community is one of the most important issues faced by countries with ethnic diversity. For the formation of national solidarity, unity and attachment, in any society, there needs to be a feeling of belonging to the national community and common values among the members of that society. The main goal of this research was to sociologically investigate the opportunities and limitations of ethnic diversity affecting the sense of belonging to the national community. Research method The descriptive research method was a survey and the statistical population was all heads of households living in Ahvaz metropolis. Stratified random sampling method was used and 500 people were selected as the sample size using Sample Power software.The data collection tool was a researcher-made questionnaire with 62 questions, the construct validity of which was confirmed through confirmatory factor analysis, and its reliability coefficient was also confirmed through Cronbach's alpha (α=0.75). Data analysis was done by using spss and amos software and by structural equation model analysis at two descriptive and inferential levels. Data analysis was done using spss and amos software and structural equation model analysis at two descriptive and inferential levels. The results of the research showed that the opportunities of ethnic diversity with the path coefficient (0.874) and the limitations of ethnic diversity with the path coefficient (-0.561) at the level of (0.001) have a significant effect on the feeling of belonging to the national community.

In recent years, the application of unfair economic sanctions against Iran led to the emergence of restrictions in the domestic business space. Therefore, based on the need that was felt more than before in the country, the discourse of resistance economy was raised for the first time by the Supreme Leader. Resistance economy is a practical and theoretical discourse to exemplify a type of economy that is expressed by the leadership to face economic sanctions. Therefore, the present study aims to answer the question, what does resistance economy mean in the speech of the Supreme Leader? The purpose of this research is to investigate the resistance economy discourse of the Supreme Leader. The hypothesis of this research is that the speech of the Supreme Leader's resistance economy includes domestic and foreign economy, which is presented as a local model of progress. This research, which has been conducted by the discourse analysis method, has used the theme analysis method in the data analysis and has drawn the resistance economy discourse of the Supreme Leader in the form of a theme network model. Sampling in this research was done in a purposeful way and after analyzing 15 texts of speeches of the Supreme Leader regarding resistance economy, theoretical saturation has been reached. Finally, the findings of the research show that the Supreme Leader's resistance economy discourse has three overarching themes: "endogenous economy", "external economy" and "native model of progress".

The modern history of iran has witnessed evolution, planning, and actions in the area of progress and development. attention is on principle and the physical element, the qualities which have partly changed to reasons for them. In this gap, the special view of key elements and effective groups in the development of a new culture is a significant development. This research had turned it upside down with the purpose of a native - pattern, of effective voices in the development of culture and the development of our conversation. The results of this work consists in trying to achieve the development of the country, founded on the development of culture, and of the development of society, which is basically the result of culinary institutions, of teaching, of religion, and of the systems associated with the great tools of striving, of faith, and of social development.socialization - development culture - resistance economy - institutionalization

According to the analysts, Francis Fukuyama's "End of History" theory has been one of the theoretical foundations of US government policy in the last three decades and the orientation of US foreign policy was based on the premise that liberal democracy and market economy would be the model to be prescribed to get rid of problems. The main research question is what were the bases and examples of Fukuyama's criticism and objection to the neoconservatism in more than two decades and according to his changing views, what scenarios can be drawn for the future of US foreign policy? The purpose of the research is to explain the issue that according to Fukuyama's critical views and America's confrontation with Trumpism phenomenon, in which direction is the process of the American foreign policy going in a form other than the political-economic system of liberalism. The findings of the research based on the descriptive-analytical method show that the foreign policy of the United States, considering the upcoming challenges, including the fluid and complex international situation, as well as the occurrence of internal divisions in the United States, it will pursue its strategies in the form of a balanced combination of cooperation and competition and not be limited to pursuing the challenging values of liberal democracy. Fukuyama considers the difference in dealing with the media as a part of the differences in the polarized American society and the new communication technologies as an aggravation of the decline of American liberalism.

With the passing of the first years of the victory of the Islamic Revolution and the end of the era of holy defense, which inspired the Iranian society to continue and maintain the spirit of self-sacrifice, over time due to sanctions and external pressures on the country, in addition to the formation Class divisions among social classes in recent years have reduced social cohesion and lost a large part of society's social capital. Using the Delphi method, the factors affecting social capital in the Islamic Republic of Iran and the most influential factor from the perspective of experts were studied. In data collection, documentary methods and open and closed questionnaires with a 5-point Likert scale were used. Kendall coordination coefficient and Friedman test were used to determine the degree of consensus among panel members to prioritize structural, behavioral and contextual dimensions as factors affecting social capital in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The results of Friedman test analysis to prioritize the components of the structural dimension show that with 95% accuracy, in this dimension, trying to create social peace has the first priority and respect for people has the last priority. In the behavioral dimension, the way of thinking has the first priority and personality traits have the last priority. In the field dimension, financial resources have the first priority and educational resources have the last priority. Applying the findings of this research can contribute to the social cohesion of Iranian society.

Social justice is still a perfectionist belief at the national and international levels. Justice, its definition and characteristics, as the most fundamental concern of humanity from the beginning of creation until today, have included fundamental changes and transformations, so much so that it can be said that injustice and non-realization of rights are the result of these changes and problems It is. In the Christian tradition, the standard of justice has been the teachings of this religion and man is obliged to observe justice according to the divine duty. But in the period of enlightenment and the rule of reason and experience, as well as the promotion of positivist thinking, the interpretation of justice has changed and justice changes the nature of the relationship between two people and the divine commitment and the relationship between man and God in the matter of justice fades and this change Attitude determines the deplorable consequences for human beings in the future, which in this article we try to study this issue using analytical and descriptive methods. The results indicate that justice in the Age of Enlightenment is defined in the form of a social contract by distancing oneself from the divine concept and the Christian tradition, and the realization of justice is interpreted subject to the formulation of laws in the opinion of the majority of society and guaranteeing the interests of the majority.

The resistive economy is a concept that seeks to establish the strategic infrastructure, which is certainly a prerequisite for achieving its goals. But it can be acknowledged, the recognition and evaluation of the relationship between cultural and cultural variables as infrastructure indicators that the role of each can affect the balance and path of progress is hardly noticed and there is not sufficient recognition of this phenomenon. the aim of this study is to explain the social and cultural infrastructure of development culture. the methodology used in this study is a combination of qualitative method based on data theory based on data theory, to explain the theoretical model and model testing in the quantitative stage of research. in order to collect the necessary data in this study, an unstructured interview with 30 experts and professor of sociology, culture and resistive economy has been done. the results indicate that the range of values and beliefs, family, training, patterns and relations and of all management and policy is based on the realization of the sustainability of development culture in society, which in some cases leads to the development of beliefs and beliefs, the values of community values

War has always existed as a phenomenon in social life and has always been condemned, and the condemnation of war has been part of the political and moral literature of almost all philosophical and political schools, but war in spite of all its disgraceful dimensions under certain circumstances and under certain factors. Not that it is not bad, but it becomes very necessary, by reviewing the history of different societies, it clearly saw the golden leaves of its courage and resistance, which are always considered as a shining part of the political and historical life of the people. The honor and repulsion of the enemy's aggression has always been honored with the approval of reason, wisdom and knowledge, to the extent that in Islam war is considered as a branch of religion, but the question arises whether war is allowed in Christianity. ? Could there be a situation where war is considered permissible? In this article, we try to answer these basic questions. The results of the article show that Augustine, with the fear of the Christian tradition and by combining the views of our thinkers before him, especially Cicero, skillfully fills the gap caused by the idea of ​​non-war and the need for justice by resorting to war in the Christian tradition. Also, in the teachings of Christianity, entering into war under any title is forbidden and Christianity forbids resorting to war in general.

The purpose of this paper is to provide a sociological analysis of the effects of social capital on political development. According to theoretical expectations, "social capital" reinforces "political development". To test this theoretical proposition, "social capital" was broken down into three dimensions: "structural", "cognitive" and "communicative", which are divided into seven subscales - "networks", "relationships" and "cooperation", "values", "mutual understanding", "trust" and "commitment" were measured. "Political development" was measured by eight subscales with an emphasis on political participation. The method of this research is fuzzy Delphi. Data were collected using a questionnaire containing pairwise comparisons and scoring based on a five-point Likert scale. According to the results, social capital has different effects on different dimensions of political development, so that it has a differential effect on political participation. In particular, relations, cooperation, and social values play a more decisive role in "political campaigning" than in "political protest." On the other hand, any kind of "interference in changing the political structure" is more possible through "social trust" and "social commitment" than through "social networks". The most important point is that political development in the radical sense, which is aimed at making changes in the political structure, is possible by creating and strengthening social trust and commitment.

The present study aims to Sociological explanation of political culture and the components of ethnocentrism and traditionalism affecting it in the metropolis of Ahwaz. The data of this study were collected by survey method from a sample of 384 people who were selected from a population of 781091 citizens aged 18 to 65 years living in the metropolis of Ahwaz by stratified random sampling. The dependent variable (political culture) became operational with three dimensions of political values, political attitudes and political knowledge and its relation to independent variables, including ethnocentrism and traditionalism, which are a combination of the theories of Inglehart, Elazar, Habermas, and Almond Verba; Hypotheses were made and tested. The data collection tool in this study is a questionnaire whose reliability was estimated through Cronbach's alpha coefficient and the data were analyzed using SPSS26 and AMOS software at both descriptive and inferential levels. Findings showed that between the two variables of ethnocentrism and traditionalism, the variable of traditionalism has a positive relationship with political culture and ethnocentrism has a significant negative relationship with political culture. Also, regarding the relationship between ethnicity and traditionalism and the dimensions of political culture, it was found that ethnocentrism has a significant positive relationship with political values and a significant negative relationship with political attitudes and political knowledge. Traditionalism also has a significant positive relationship with political values and a significant negative relationship with political attitudes, but traditionalism has no significant relationship with political knowledge.

From the point of view of Imam Khamenei as an Islamic thinker and thinker, the Islamic government has its own way of governing the society and it is not such that it can achieve its goals by using Western methods. The reason for this is that the methods are valuable in religious democracy. This approach, while opposed to Western democracy, also contradicts tyranny and dictatorship. Imam Khamenei, therefore, has emphasized this new and innovative method, which has been interpreted as religious democracy, as a new, innovative and innovative method that can be used in the analysis of current political systems. Take note. On the other hand, individualism is one of the undeniable features of Western thought. So the foundations of Western democracy, and even the best of them, such as participatory democracy, are either in practice or inapplicable or, in many cases, facing paradigmatic challenges, in the face of Islam being a holistic worldview. The researchers found in this descriptive and analytical study that Islamic thinking is fundamentally different from Western thinking and that these differences are at the fundamental epistemic levels, which are at the core of the subject of these two thinking and that of religious democracy. They are fundamentally at odds with participatory democracy. Therefore, the main issue of this research is to introduce and identify two theories of religious democracy according to the political ideas of Imam Khamenei and participatory democracy with regard to the existing ideas in Western schools as well as introducing obstacles to democracy.

This article, while analyzing economic stability and its indices, explains the variables and components influenced by the policies and functions of the banking system as the most important of the political-economic system that influences the economic stability of the IR.I. This influences are due to the widespread communication at the community, the impact on cash flow, capital in the society; the possibility of corruption, rents, bribery, embezzlement, money laundering, financing of terrorism; payment of bank facilities and provision of production capital and trade, transfer the funds of trading transactions, managing and directing resources allocation in the form of various contracts, direct and indirect effects on the exchange rate, interest, inflation and etc, play a role in stabilizing or stimulating economic instability. In this research, while confirming that, there is a direct and cross-correlation relationship between the implementation of financial-economic policies of the banking system and the economic stability of the IR.I, the results investigated by using integrated methods by qualitative content analysis method to identify and select the variables of economic stability, and the impact and effect of the banking system in order to improve quantitative methods and then use the Delphi technique and group consensus.

Nasr refers to tradition, laws and nomenclature that originate from the divine origin, regardless of time and place, are different from customs, habits and everything that brings to mind the color and meaning of antiquity and wear and tear. Tradition, in this sense, confronts modernism as a philosophical system and humanism, which presents the absolute truth not on God but on a human level. The article seeks to answer two questions. First, what is the relationship between tradition and modernism based on the four logical genealogies from Nasr's point of view? Second, how is his thinking reflected in politics and government? In order of the mentioned questions, two hypotheses can be proposed. First, the relationship between tradition and modernism is contrasting. Second, the reflection of Nasr's thought in politics and government is fundamentalism in its unconventional sense. The research method is descriptive-analytical, which has been compiled by collecting data through documentary and library sources. The results show that tradition and modernism are fundamentally different from each other in terms of paradigm, and from the heart of tradition in the political arena, only a traditional and fundamentalist government will emerge, but in its unconventional sense.

One of the important dimensions of national security is its software dimension, which can be the result of soft power. Meanwhile, due to its soft security features and functions, elections can be a matter of security and one of the factors of security and insecurity. Accordingly, the present article, while defining and explaining the concepts of elections, soft power and soft security through a descriptive-analytical method, using written sources and studies, seeks to answer the question, how and how elections are produced. Does it create security or insecurity ?Findings showed that elections in the atmosphere of soft power and values, legitimacy of the political system, authority and efficiency of government, rule of law, democracy, institutionalized political participation, national cohesion, culture of competition and interaction and political capacity, etc. produce soft security And provides security. On the other hand, elections in the atmosphere of injuries and threats in various constituencies and contexts that can be the result of underlying, individual and behavioral causes and factors, laws and regulations and structure, cause soft threats and create insecurity.

Development in terms of affirming the world of politics in Iran society after the Islamic Revolution is the most important concern of researchers. The current study investigated the effect of social capital on the social and political development of Iran after Islamic Revolution with an emphasis on the academic community of Tehran city. The statistical population of this research included the university community of Tehran. The sample volume was determined 384 individuals using Cochran sampling formula having 95% confidence level; however, considering the desire of the supervisor, 600 individuals were selected to this end using the simple random sampling method. To test the research model, a standardized social capital questionnaire (Nahapiet & Ghoshal, 1998) and a researcher-made questionnaire of the role of social capital in social-political development were utilized in administering the survey of the current research. The results obtained from testing hypotheses indicated that there was a correlation between social-political development and various dimensions of social capital among the academic community of Tehran city. In the case of ranking the correlation between social capital dimensions and social-political development, it could be stated that the highest correlation (r=0.621) was between the cognitive dimension of social capital (cooperation and values); further rankings included respectively, structural dimension (networks and relations) (r=0.509), and communicational dimension (mutual understanding, confidence, and commitment) (r=0.476). Considering the results, it could be mentioned that social capital had a determining role in the social and political development of Iran after Islamic Revolutionary.

The victory of the Islamic revolution is due to the application of the liberating talent of the Shiite narrative of political Islam in providing a model of resistance against the arrogant domination of the West and the transcendental values of Western modernity against religious values in the new century. A capacity that gradually became an influential and disruptive model in the equations of the global power system. Examining the meaning of the concept of resistance, dimensions, contexts, consequences and prospects of resistance and presenting its conceptual model in the thought of the Supreme Leader as a determining component in the progress of the Islamic society and overcoming the challenges caused by the power seeking of the domination system is the subject of this research. . The researcher's intended research method is to examine Hazrat Agha's speeches in the field of resistance. The results indicate that the denial of domination, independence, multi-dimensional deterrence and the achievement of modern Islamic civilization is the outline of the concept of resistance in this study.

The present article was prepared based on the political thought of the theory of religious democracy. In this regard, Imam Khamenei considered religious democracy as a gift of Imam Khomeini, and in contrast, democracy was considered one of the regimes in the division of various types of ancient Greek governments, and in Western thought, participatory democracy is the best kind of democracy. It is prominent in the Western world, which is addressed by David Held in his book Models of Democracy. The method of conducting this research was "comparative" and the data collection tool was valuable books in this field and articles available in libraries and reputable websites, as well as sources and reports published by research centers. Is. To determine the degree of importance and prioritization of this comparison, the criteria and indicators of religious democracy based on the ideas of the Supreme Leader with participatory democracy have been used. The main purpose of this study, the main purpose of which was to explain the comparison of religious democracy of Imam Khameneichr('39')s political ideas with participatory democracy, is to investigate this issue to determine; Is there a difference, similarity or contradiction between religious democracy and participatory democracy? Or can we count the indicators of the superiority of the Supreme Leaderchr('39')s idea of ​​religious democracy over participatory democracy? In this regard, after reviewing the researchers, it was found that in the end, religious democracy in general, in terms of basic principles and content, and despite having a special factor such as God-centeredness, in contrast to participatory democracy that is centered Its core is human-centered.

At present, there are two general views on the relationship between the political system of Shi’ah Islam and Partisanship: The first view considers party as a necessity of the new era; so due to the lack of a specific text, it is impossible to extract its jurisprudential principles. Obviously, according to this view, the use of the party as a new phenomenon in the religious system is opposed, but according to the second view, it is possible to explain the jurisprudential principles of the party in the context of general texts and general rules. However, the objective and practical realization of this important issue also faces a serious obstacle, and that is the existence of a reality called “negative function of parties,” which makes the use of this new phenomenon in the religious system a religious prohibition. This is currently the most important challenge facing a religious democracy. The present article has tried to extract a solution to this challenge in a systematic theoretical framework and by analyzing the content of Ayatollah Khamenei's statements. Accordingly, and within the framework of Ayatollah Khamenei's political thought, “localization” as an approach is a fundamental solution to the challenge of the negative functioning of parties in the religious system.

This study explains the sociology of sectarianism and its impact on the pattern of elections for the eighth to tenth parliaments of the Islamic Consultative Assembly. The statistical population is citizens living in the city of Noorabad. 18 years and older, sex and area of ​​residence (all areas of Noorabad Mamasani city) have been collected in proportion to the size of the population, which is as representative of the community as possible and in accordance with the research objectives. The reliability of the questionnaire was determined by the quorum of Cronbach's alpha coefficient and the validity of the questionnaire (using confirmatory factor analysis), the validity of the structure. Findings show that men perform more electoral actions than women and single citizens more than married people, then using structural equation modeling and taking into account the measurement errors of other research variables, respectively (competition On scarce resources 0.82%, sectarianism 0.45%, reformist political thinking 0.37%, group pressure 0.31%, mass voting 0.27%, strong tribal prejudices 0.23%, families of individuals 0.17 Percentage, sense of solidarity and tribal affiliation (0.14%, ethnic representation (0.14%) had an effect on the pattern of parliamentary elections. But sectarianism was the same between socioeconomic bases and different education and there was no difference.