جلال درخشه

The subject of this research is the Shura in contemporary Iran. The Shura is one of the most explicit mechanisms for regulating social relations and is worthy of the attention of the text, tradition, and custom in order to expand the sovereignty of the people; therefore, understanding the functional aspects of the Shura in governance has been at the center of discussions of political leaders and intellectuals since the pre-constitutional period. However, it seems that the Shura has not been optimally used in the political sphere and has fallen into the trap of fallacies and dysfunctions. The aim of this research is to understand the place of the Shura in the political processes of contemporary Iran. The main question of this research is: What are the historical and theoretical implications and characteristics of the nature of the Shura thinking style in contemporary Iran? In order to better understand the issue, an attempt has been made to examine Iranian thinkers' reading of the Shura in the context of the method of intellectual history, and to evaluate its aspects of conformity and distinction with the foundations of the general theory of Shura. The results of the research show that due to the weakness of Shura literature, its absence in the political trends and thoughts of contemporary Iran is a serious matter. Therefore, by examining Shura theories and measuring their maximum and minimum adherence to the foundations of Shuraocracy, the Shura thinking style in contemporary Iran can be formulated around the duality of "Shura sovereignty" and "Shura politics", each of which has its own theoretical support, possibilities, and obstacles.

The governance pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran must align with its legitimizing discourse and demonstrate a coherence between this theory and practical governance. However, governance in Iran often wavers and oscillates between liberal and religious discourses. No political system can achieve long-term legitimacy through governance frameworks that are inconsistent with its core discourse. Therefore, this study aims to explore the concept of freedom within Iran's governance pattern. The Islamic Revolution in Iran achieved victory with the key slogan 'Independence, Freedom, Islamic Republic,' yet some supporters see freedom as a disruptive concept and are unwilling to embrace it. On the other hand, critics often accuse this pattern of being in conflict with the notion of freedom.Here, we try to demonstrate the desirability of freedom within the governance pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran and to answer the question, "What is the philosophy of freedom in this governance pattern, and why is it desirable?" The aim is to prevent theoretical mistakes in the discourse. Given the prevailing influence of liberalism and its discursive demands, in the absence of an alternative Islamic theory, it risks imposing itself on Iran's socio-political structure. Therefore, elucidating the philosophy of freedom within the governance pattern of the Islamic Republic helps prevent incorrect theoretical and practical choices in governance.

In this study, a "descriptive-analytical" approach was used for data collection through the "documentary" method. The data analysis was performed using the qualitative method of "text-based hermeneutics.

This paper presents a coherent and interconnected discursive framework that reflects the philosophy of freedom and the intricate balance between the dos and dont's in this context. Firstly, it discusses Nizam-e-Takwin (The Order of Creation), demonstrating that from an ontological perspective, the belief in Ma'ad (Resurrection Day) and God's system of reward and punishment necessitate human freedom, as freedom is essential for "spiritual trial." Additionally, within the Islamic Revolution's discourse on anthropology, the belief in human "free will" and the "inherent nature of freedom" make freedom a valued concept. Thus, in religious rules, freedom is defined as liberation from servitude to anyone other than God and liberation from tyranny and oppression. In this regard, freedom is understood as a "right," "duty," and "value."

 Conclusion:

In the Islamic philosophy of freedom, "Tawhid" (monotheism) stands as the central principle and foundation. There is a seamless connection between Nizam-e-Takwin (The Order of Creation) and Nizam-e-Tashri (The Order of Religious Legislation), forming a unified system. This linkage in Shiism is established through the belief in the intrinsic goodness and badness of actions. Such a belief ensures that the moral quality of actions is rational and aligned with Nizam-e-Takwin, creating an integrated order where the dos and don'ts are interconnected.In this framework, the philosophy of freedom within the governance pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran is rooted in "Tawhid" (monotheism) principles. Freedom is regarded as a "right," "duty," and "value." This signifies that freedom is valuable because it is an inherent right. Furthermore, respecting and advocating freedom is a religious duty, which enhances its desirability. Additionally, freedom is recognized as a religious virtue. According to the Islamic worldview, humans possess free will and an innate inclination toward freedom. The system of rewards and punishments in Ma'ad (Resurrection Day) also necessitates human freedom, as the possibility of a spiritual trial depends on it, thus making the system logical.Overall, this paper seeks to illustrate the philosophy of freedom within a cohesive and integrated system, emphasizing the link between Nizam-e-Takwin (The Order of Creation) and Nizam-e-Tashri (The Order of Religious Legislation) in the context of freedom. This represents a significant innovation in the study.

Worldview is a necessary introduction for the correct understanding of any epistemic system and a basic basis for drawing the ideal perspective of knowledge. Political thought has a decisive position in the governance of political systems and political thinkers have a prominent role in achieving a desirable future. Also, drawing the position and position of political thought is directly related to the efficiency of governance of any political system. In this regard, knowing the worldview of political thought in the framework and period of the rule of the Islamic Republic of Iran, can help to draw a solid position and a clear horizon for this knowledge in accordance with the needs of the Iranian-Islamic ecosystem. This research tries to make use of the interdisciplinary knowledge of futurist studies by relying on the perspective drawing method, to determine the central worldview of political thought based on the top documents of the governance of the Islamic Republic of Iran in order to build a bridge from the field of political thought to the future-oriented policy making of political thought and the way to achieve to smooth the progress level pattern. Based on this research, the central worldview of political thought emphasizes the unbreakable link with monotheistic religion and Islamic Sharia, and it has been seen in conjunction with Shia political jurisprudence and benefiting from human reason and knowledge

Based on the views of Mohammad Baqir Sadr, this essay seeks to reconstruct the thought of Islamic resistance into four conceptual elements. Our study is in the category of qualitative research and relies on the "documentary method" for the data collection. "Thomas Spragens' method" is also used to analyze the data. Based on the four steps of this method, the researchers aim to describe three statuses:"present", "transitional" and "ideal". The main question is how to reconfigure the thought of Islamic resistance based on Sadr's views? There seems to be an important linkage between thought and Sadr's militant views. According to Sadr, due to the colonial domination and the degeneration of the Ummah, a growing gap has emerged between the current society and the ideal society. In such a situation, resistance should be considered as a strategic measure for the transition from the current situation to the desired situation. In conclusion, the final achievement of this research indicates that Sadr's ideas are rooted in the theory of "comprehensive resistance" and encompass all aspects of human life.

Foreign direct investment (FDI) is one of the most important resources for governments to achieve the goals of development documents, in addition to the advantages it brings. Considering the role of FDI in the economy, the purpose of this article is to review the status of FDI in Iran and identify its strengths and weaknesses.

This article is descriptive and analytical. The materials and data are qualitative and data collection was used to collect the materials.

Ethical considerations:

 In writing the article, the originality of the texts, honesty and trustworthiness have been made.

Despite the preparation of six 5-year development plans in our country after the Islamic revolution, comparing the amount of resources foreseen in development resources from the foreign investment location with the amount of resources realized from this location, shows that a small percentage of the resources predicted in these plans have been realized.

The continued presence and competitiveness of our country in the field of foreign investment, in addition to international rules, requires achieving a specific and practical model for the realization of national development. Therefore, the non-fulfillment of this importance in the upstream documents, despite being located in the geopolitical region, having primary sources of oil and gas, and a relatively large market, makes the need for a serious review of strategic and development policies in this area a hundredfold.

Through the analysis of the events of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, the study aims to reveal a new perspective on populism. Based on the theory of "Ernesto Laclau", our problem is to understand the nexus between populist mobilization and the necessity of reconstructing the "new people". According to my understanding, the identity of "the Mostazafan" in the Islamic revolution represents the new people. The main question is how did the demands of underprivileged groups integrate into the populist mobilization? In this article, the "thick description" method is used for data analysis. The findings of the research show that in the light of the political discourse of Shiism and the leadership of Imam Khomeini, The "Mostazafan" became a homogenizing name for the unification of all demands and an equivalential chain was formed. In the following, by critically examining Asef Bayat's outstanding book, the authors reach the understanding that if the identity of Mostazafan had not arisen from an empty signifier, then the urban poor would have continued "quiet encroach" regardless of revolutionary motives. The dynamics of the Islamic Revolution of Iran should not be analyzed in the context of fixed and predetermined content, but in the light of "discursive articulation" according to the conclusion of this article.

The statement of the second step of the revolution (SSSR), as a road map and strategic document, seeks to explain the course of the second four decades of the I.R.Iran. By adopting the strategy of resistance, I.R.Iran was able to successfully overcome the four decades of ups and downs and enter the second four decades of its civilization. According to many experts on the dominance of the concept of resistance in SSSR as the ruling spirit in the statement, the researchers of this study decided to examine the position of resistance in SSSR from the perspective of leadership. Undoubtedly, the government of the I.R.Iran in the future can use various mechanisms, including diplomacy, as in the past, especially since some experts and activists in the field of foreign policy in the next four decades of the Islamic Revolution of Iran to interact with countries through other approaches. The resistance approach is known as resistance diplomacy. The importance of this document has led researchers to study it from different dimensions. The researchers of the present study have tried to explain the components of resistance in this statement, considering the wide hostilities of thedominating countries with the I.R.Iran and considering that the Islamic Republic is the birthplace of decades of resistance of the Iranian people against domestic tyranny and foreign arrogance.The result shows that theresistance includes social, economic, scientific and, of course, military dimensions, the details of which are stated in the text of the article

Associations and constitutionalist parties of Gilan played an essential role in the revival of constitutionalism by public mobilization and marching towards the capital, Tehran to conquer it and remove the Tyranny. Among the various parties, the Abbasi Association, and the Social Democratic Party are two outstanding ones. When Sardar Afkham, was at its peak in the, these parties were able to play a role in getting rid of the tyranny by sharing interests with the peasant and organizing the events. This article aims to evaluate the activism model of these parties. Its theoretical framework is based on Charles Tilly’s Resource Mobilization theory, which focuses on the two variables of interest and organization as behavioral criteria. The question is, "How is the process of mobilization based on the two variables of interest and organization and why did they pioneer this process among Iran?" Using the historical-analytical method and collecting data through the desk-based method, this study showed that parties were able to pave the way for the downfall representative and march towards Tehran by modeling from and being influenced by the intellectual currents of northern neighbor and connection with the peasants rebellion by sharing interests with it and organizing the events.

The concept of public expediency in the context of the history of Shia political thought and in different eras has been the focus of thinkers, including these jurists who have paid attention to the concept of expediency in the context of constitutional thought. The distinction between constitutionalism and monarchy knew that this important approach is at the threshold of the constitutionalism movement from the mothers of new political thought. The present study tries to show in what context Mahalati thought in the context of Mahalati's idea by using Skinner's interpretative approach while focusing on theept of public interest in the political thought of Mahalati? The hypothesis of his research states that the political thought of Mahalati is based on the defense of constitutionalism based on the observance of public interests, emphasizing on the constitutional government in accordance with rational arguments and the adaptation of religion in the age of occultation.

Associations and constitutionalist parties of Gilan played an essential role in the revival of constitutionalism by public mobilization and marching towards the capital, Tehran to conquer it and remove the Tyranny. Among the various parties, the Abbasi Association, and the Social Democratic Party are two outstanding ones. When Sardar Afkham, was at its peak in the, these parties were able to play a role in getting rid of the tyranny by sharing interests with the peasant and organizing the events. This article aims to evaluate the activism model of these parties. Its theoretical framework is based on Charles Tilly’s Resource Mobilization theory, which focuses on the two variables of interest and organization as behavioral criteria. The question is, "How is the process of mobilization based on the two variables of interest and organization and why did they pioneer this process among Iran?" Using the historical-analytical method and collecting data through the desk-based method, this study showed that parties were able to pave the way for the downfall representative and march towards Tehran by modeling from and being influenced by the intellectual currents of northern neighbor and connection with the peasants rebellion by sharing interests with it and organizing the events.

the main purpose of this paper is to explain the obstacles of political participation in the islamic republic of iran . one of the main components of political development is the political participation of women in large areas of political and managerial decisions . In light of this , the countries are trying to step up by strengthening women 's presence in the structure of power and decision making . The Islamic Republic of Iran is no exception . Since the formation of the Islamic revolution so far , many efforts have been made to strengthen the role of women in political upheaval . according to this , the main question of this paper is that the obstacles of political participation of women in the islamic republic of iran are . in answer to this hypothesis , structural and structural barriers can be considered as the main obstacles to women 's political participation in the islamic republic of iran . the results of the study show that in the islamic republic of iran in the structural dimension , there are factors such as closed political , economic , social , cultural and legal structures to undermine women 's political participation in political upheaval . Although many efforts have been made to solve these problems , however , it seems to have a long way to achieve the desired result . on the other hand , the existence of two factors of female habits with particular physiology provides for undermining the political participation of women . the kind of research method is descriptive - analytic and based on library studies .

The Islamic movement of Dagestan is one of the affecting players in the social developments of this region, which is influenced by the religious-cultural environment of Chechnya, and consists of two broad schools, traditional and Salafi. Despite the armed struggle against foreign colonial powers, the predominance of Tariqati and Sufi tendencies among Dagestani Islamists has caused the Islamic movement to take a tolerant attitude internally since the 18th century, but since the 1980s, especially with the collapse of the Soviet :union:, Salafi teachings and ethics have been promoted by the support of extra-regional powers. Considering the significance and position of Islamist parties and groups in the contemporary developments of the North Caucasus, the main question of the current article is what is the nature of the Islamic movement of Dagestan among contemporary Islamic movements? The authors have tried to answer the question by adopting a descriptive-analytical approach and collecting library data. The findings of the research reveal that the tendency of the majority of Dagestan's society towards Sufi schools and the growing awareness of the threats of Salafist beliefs in the region, traditionalism will continue to dominate the Islamic movement of the region in the upcoming decades. Therefore, the Islamic groups of Dagestan seek to concentrate on social and religious activities instead of formal-structured political engagement.

After Tehran and Azerbaijan, Guilan played an essential role in the process of constitutionalism and the establishment of the constitutional system in Iran. Unlike other Iranian regions where the constitutional revolution was led by the middle class, in Guilan, the Peasants’ Movement had a strong presence in all stages of protests, gatherings, and movement towards the conquest of Tehran, and this action was aligned with the common interests of associations, committees and urban political parties. This study was therefore aimed at investigating the context and role of the Peasants’ Movement in the process of constitutionalism in Guilan. It tries to collect its required data about the formation and role of the Peasants’ Movement in the Guilan constitutional movement using the descriptive-analytical method and analyze the contexts and acting model of Gilani peasants based on Charles Tilly’s resource mobilization model. The findings indicate that the participation of Gilani peasants in constitutionalism does not stem from their level of knowledge about constitutional goals. Gilani peasants generally did not know the concept of constitution and its resulting ideal system. The history of peasant revolts in this region, the different geographical environment, their common interests on lands, the extreme oppression of the land owners, connection with the associations and the parties’ use of peasants are considered the causes for the mobilization process of this movement.

Common good as one of the basic concepts in political thought has not been independently explored so far. While this concept, along with concepts such as "public interest, public interest, public policy, public goods and common interests and public good", has formed the basis of most school approaches and debates. In the popular discourse of political science, "Common good" refers to the material, cultural, or institutional possibilities in which members of a community share interests. "Common good" is an important concept in political philosophy and political thought because the role , It is important in philosophical thinking about the public and private dimensions of social life. "Public life" in a political society is thought to involve: the joint effort of members to maintain certain possibilities for the common good. "Private life" involves the pursuit of each member of a distinct set of personal plans. This research is a developmental type and has been done in a descriptive-analytical manner using reliable library sources. Therefore, comparative analysis has been the concept of common good with other related concepts in the approaches of political thought, and for this reason, it has conducted scientific and descriptive research in this regard.

Participation is one of the main tools for achieving political development. Any country that wants to achieve political development must inevitably pave the way for women's political participation. Given the importance of political participation, since the formation of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, many efforts have been made to strengthen women's political participation. Given this, the main question is what has been the political participation of women in the governments of Khatami, Ahmadinejad and Rouhani? In response to this hypothesis, it is suggested that women's political participation in the governments of Khatami, Ahmadinejad and Rouhani, although growing compared to previous periods, but this growth has been focused only on the basic and middle levels of management. The results of the research show that during the presidencies, despite the election campaigns based on the presence of women in important positions, the process of their presence has shifted to the middle positions. The type of research method in the present study is descriptive-analytical and based on library studies

The present study aims to investigate the relationship between religion and government in neo-Mu'tazilite ideas with an emphasis on Abu Zayd's thought. This research is fundamental in terms of purpose and descriptive-analytical in terms of method. Data collection is done in the form of a library. The most important tool used to collect information is to take notes. The results of the research indicate that from Abu Zayd's point of view, concepts such as monotheism, justice, rationalism, democracy, secularism, equality, freedom and human happiness are fundamental concepts and such values ​​form the utopia of Abu Zayd. In other words, by applying these values, human beings will be able to achieve a modern utopia or utopia. Abu Zayd also considers religion a necessity and introduces Islam as a religion of rationality that is associated with freedom, human rights, equality between men and women, and the foundations of modernity. In his view, de-ideologizing Islam is essential, and he ultimately states that Islam is compatible with secularism.

Neo Sadraians, who are referred to as a philosophical stream in contemporary Iran, have emerged in response to intellectual crises of 30s in order to provide an active approach to religion in modern times for human life. Regarding the requirements of era, he has shared the descendant to make a revelation for the beloved community for the need to rebuild an inner life in the religious world, in order to provide the Shiite and the emergence of Mahdi (AS). Accordingly, this article in the analytical framework of the "Transcendental Wisdom Intellectual" with the main goal of rereading the concept of bio culture that is the most important political problem of the country, tries to answer this question that according to neo Sadraians' anthropological thought (in particular, the belief in the transcendent man in this intellectual system), bio culture in the thought of neo Sadraian based on what theoretical sign? Therefore, the hypothesis of this research is based on the fact that, due to underlying  concept of culture and its originality in this intellectual current, "dignity" can be considered as theoretical signifier of this thought. The data obtained from the issue of research and resources and the views of the companions of the transcendental wisdom confirm that the theory of "dignity" is central to the concept of culture, and "Bio cultural" is achieved in this intellectual current with its specific components, factors and methods  such as: transcendental man, rational man This paper carried out using descriptive-analytical method and using data analysis by library method.

Looking at the historical developments of Islam, we can distinguish three tendencies around thought and action. The tendency that prioritizes action, the tendency that prioritizes theory over action, and the third tendency believe in the interaction of theory and political action. Among these, Shiites belong to the third tendency. Throughout history, the Shiites have chosen various approaches, including taqiyyah, reform, and revolution, in interaction with the political environment. With the approach of the contemporary Shiite period, it has distanced itself from the approaches of Taqiyya and reform, and especially with the emergence of the Qajar and Pahlavi periods in the contemporary history of Iran, it approaches the revolutionary approach and the attempt to form an Islamic government. Here, the main question of the research is what effect the objective context and developments of the Qajar period had on the Shiite political thought in that period and how this thought influenced the political action of the Shiite scholars active in this era. The result of this article is that the objective context and developments of the Qajar government on the one hand lays the groundwork for constitutionalism and also on the other hand lays the groundwork for the Islamic Revolution.

Public good as one of the basic concepts in political thought has not been independently explored so far. While this concept, along with concepts such as "public interest, public interest, public policy, public goods and common interests and common good", has formed the basis of most of the approaches and debates of different schools. In the popular discourse of political science, "public good" refers to those material, cultural, or institutional possibilities in which members of a community share interests. "Public good" is an important concept in political philosophy and political thought; Because it plays an important role in philosophical thinking about the public and private dimensions of social life. In this article, while recognizing and analyzing the concept of public good and related concepts; We examine Jürgen Habermas's views on the public good. Habermas considers the starting point of the concept of public good in the formation of communicative action so that this action should be based on the mechanism of dialogue ethics and the principle of understanding and communication is its main form. In this case, in a living world and communication system, one can imagine the formation of benevolent action in citizens, which leads to public good in an ideal society.

Correct and comprehensive knowledge of the thought and vision of the intellectual and political currents in the society and analysis of their intellectual foundations are one of the basic prerequisites for understanding the society and also one of the special functions of political sociology in a political system that are not possible without understanding the issues of intellectual- political currents in that society. In the late 1360s and especially in the 1370s, the enlightenment currents formed in Iran that undoubtedly affected Iran's intellectual sphere. One of the intellectual currents that gradually formed and then expended from the early 1370s was the Kian Circle. In this study, the method of research is descriptive and analytical. Data were collected by library method. The purpose of the research is to analyze the components of political thought of Kian Circle. The findings of research suggest that members of the Kian Circle, Who consider themselves as religious intellectuals, see their primary duty as the critique of traditional socio- intellectual structures, and have relied on their own reason and modern values to create a society that conforms to these values. In the political spheres, the members of the Kian Circle have based their political ideas on the premise that the government should not give special privileged and rights to the religion.

Good governance today depends on the best possible completion of the state-nation-building process. This issue has been placed as a serious challenge in the path of survival of the Zionist regime.  This regime has based its existence on a special and complex identity that at first glance, this special identity can be considered a strong point for survival and formation of a society;But the specific characteristics of this identity based on race and its lack of demographic diversity have created challenges for this regime. On the other hand, the fragmentation of the core of the citizens of this regime, who have migrated to this land mainly from outside the borders of occupied Palestine, is also a serious challenge to nation-building.  State-nation-building in Israel also faces multiple political, security, and economic implications. In this research and according to the subject, descriptive-analytical method has been used.Also, while studying the state-nation-building process in Israel and looking at the demographic context and identity of the Palestinian and Zionist Jewish community (Israeli citizens) as the most serious challenge, to examine the failures of this regime in completing the state-nation-building process that survives and His survival is in question, we will pay.

Is it possible to prove the jurist’s government from Mirza Qomi’s viewpoint? In the present article, we pose this main question and study Mirza Qomi’s letter to the Qajar king, Aqa Muhammad Khan, entitled “Irshad-Nama” to obtain an initiative division of government, a division which is the complement to Mirza’s simple division of government. It divides government into two types: istehqaqi (for those who deserve receiving the sovereignty of the society, such as the government of the prophets and Ahl al-Bayt), and imtehani (for those to whom God has granted the sovereignty of the society to test and try them gradually, such as Pharaoh and Namrud). This initiative division leads the researcher to two important points in Mirza’s political thought: first, possibility of establishing the jurist’s government as one of the forms of the istehqaqi type in Mirza’s view; second, proving the legitimacy of a king’s monarchy which would be, in one case, a government attached to the istehqaqi and legitimate government.

Revolutionism is one of the most important and studiable issues in the field of political thought in the Islamic Republic of Iran and it is necessary to speak about it from the perspective of indigenous and Islamic values. Therefore, in this article, we examine this issue in the political thought of the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei. We have addressed and answered the question: What are the components of revolutionism discourse in the political thought of Ayatollah Khamenei? Given that in His statements, a range of topics can be seen - from the definition of this concept to its effects on the history of the Islamic Republic - the most appropriate methodological framework for analyzing the data of this study is Norman Fairclough's discourse analysis perspective. Therefore, the subject of revolutionism was pursued in three levels of description, interpretation and explanation; at the description level, value-orientedness, idealism, libertarianism, sensitivity to the enemy, and religious-political piety were articulated as discourse signs, and the conceptual signifier of value-orientation was introduced as the central signifier. At the level of revolutionary interpretation, the effective factors in the formation and evolution of revolutionary discourse were discussed, and issues such as the early Islamic revolution, the role of missionaries, word-building and institutionalization were identified. Finally, in explaining the revolutionary discourse, the alienation of the revolutionary discourse, the realized social functions of this discourse and how to improve it were discussed.

The question of what bliss in a political society is to be realized has been answered differently in the history of political thought. In Islamic political philosophy this issue has also been examined so that the Nostradarians who are a contemporary philosophical intellectual stream in Iran. They want to answer this question and present a suitable model for a favorable political society before the advent of the Prophet (PBUH). Their revival of transcendent wisdom and adherence to the philosophy of Sadr al-Mutallah Shirazi, with their anthropological foundations, seek to discover human dimensions and Various aspects like human concept, human creation, talents and abilities Sun, man's place in the system of being and his relationship with himself, are social and kind, and in this way they have been able to introduce the idea of a prosperous society based on the "life-style" model of happiness and perfection in Islamic society. A philosophy initiated by Imam Khomeini (R) on behalf of Allameh Tabataba'i, the master of Motahari and Javadi Amoli in response to the intrusions of anti-religious movements in Iran to revitalize Sadrian thought, using transcendent wisdom in three angles: content-method and form, Somehow it wants to respond to the problems and conditions that have arisen for the Iranian society. The findings of this article suggest it. The desirable life in the thought of the Nostradians is the "life of the Tayyeba" in which human beings are fully realized and values such as justice, freedom, service to the people, the formation of a blessed state are the essentials of this idea. The research method in this study is qualitative. It is descriptive and analytical and according to literature review the text-based hermeneutic method as well as content analysis has been used.

In contemporary world, non-governmental organizations in the global literature is introduced as a tool for demonstrating the power of people and as a mediator between the government and people and is of great importance. Therefore, in Islamic Republic of Iran as a democratic country, people have an important role and are of great importance. Thus, non-governmental organizations have had an important role in the victory and continuity of Islamic Republic of Iran. There are many principles regarding the democratic nature of the country and respecting people’s rights in the constitution. In the present article in which we try to study the approach of eighth and ninth government towards non-governmental, cultural, and social organizations, after expanding the conceptual framework of the research topic, we will explain the importance of the people and their role in non-governmental organizations. The research methodology of this article is descriptive-analytical and comparative and the data have been gathered from library resources. The findings of the research indicate that the victory of Islamic Revolution in 1357, change in the political structure of Iran, the advent of some signs of democratic discourse instead of absolute modernism discourse during Pahlavi era, and finally establishment republican structure, shows the start of a new era in Iran’s social and political structure; second, in comparison with the presidency of Ahmadinejhas, during the presidency of Khatami, non-governmental organizations have been reinforced and these organizations have been of great importance during the eighth government.