حسین محمدی سیرت

Iran's nuclear program has been a topic of international idea since the early 1980s, and this has led to a wide-ranging conflict between Iran and world powers, primarily led by the United States. The significant presence of negative propaganda in Western media, reports from American think tanks, and statements from international organizations highlights the significance of Iran's nuclear capabilities for Western nations. Researchers and commentators have explored the issue of nuclear energy in Iran from various angles, yet one aspect that has received less attention is the exploration of the ideas and norms established in this domain. The artcle method is documentary research process and its theoretical framework emphasizes the approach of new institutionalism. This article aims to address the question of " why the Iran's nuclear file has remained controvertial for so long?" The research findings suggest that normative ideas play a significant role in shaping political behaviors and advancements. Once ideas become institutionalized, they steer political behavior in a specific direction. Therefore, it is possible to analyze the continuation of the nuclear conflict between Iran and the United States based on institutionalized normative assumptions.

In examining the unrest of 1401 in Iran, while distinguishing between protestors and rioters, with the aim of scientifically understanding what was proposed by the supporters of the riots, there was a need to analyze the issues. The totalitarian opponents of the Islamic Republic - inside and outside the country - tried to direct the street anger in the direction of their political wing, calling the situation critical in this unprecedented attack. From this point of view, using the theory of crisis and with an interpretive method, we analyzed the content of the positions published by him in the autumn quarter in order to recognize the social situation of Iran in the intellectual apparatus of structural opponents. Analyzing the results of more than 100 communication channels for several months shows that most of the elements of this movement consider the continuation of religious rule and the survival of the value nature of the system as the source of problems And they are looking for their ideal shield in the education of secular government and the digestion of national identity in the relations of modern culture .A society that is free from revolutionary style, converges with liberal democracy and pursues comprehensive development with the characteristics of capitalism in the modern world.

Revolutions are phenomena still worthy of research. The current research has examined one of the apparently common features of great revolutions, namely the formation and fate of provisional states, in a comparative-historical perspective within the framework of Crane Brinton's theory. The narration, commonalities and differences of the provisional states of the four revolutions of France, Russia, Algeria and the Islamic Revolution have been discussed using the comparative-historical method. Temporary states have the same in actions such as determining the judicial and security duties of the political elites of the previous regime, compiling new regulations of the revolutionary statet and providing the requirements for creating stable structures of the new political system. However, their composition, stages of formation, performance and destiny are different and the very fact, in relation to Brinton's theory, indicates that at the level of his claimed evolutionary stages in revolutions, including the coming to power of moderates and then radicals and the imposed fate of the so-called radical revolutionaries, that is, Thermidor, may not be agreed with.

. The strategy of resistance against foreigners is one of the courts of Imami political thought and arises from the intellectual principles and general rules of Shiite political jurisprudence. But it is obvious that the rationality, the requirements of the time, and the context of the Shari'a ruling have led to the understanding, definition, and consequently distinctive resistance action by Shiite scholars throughout Shiite life, from disobeying the Muslim caliph to accompanying the Shiite king and finally revolution against the Shah. The issue explored in this study is to understand and explain this different act of resistance in two historical turning points of contemporary Iran, namely the constitutional movement and the Islamic Revolution. The main question is what agreements and differences in the strategy of resistance of Shiite scholars in the two mentioned periods can be counted? To answer this question, using the method of comparative-historical analysis, which pays attention to the three aspects of causal analysis, attention to time processes and systematic comparison of the weaver, the question was answered in a qualitative research framework in the form of Stuart Mill's comparative analysis model. In the first step, drawing the image of resistance in the two mentioned developments is clear, then the examples of resistance strategy are mentioned and finally the resistance strategy is examined with emphasis on the jurisprudential method of Shiite scholars. . In the constitution, resistance has an internal development and is consistent with the resistance of companion piety against tyranny. Lines up against the alien. During this research, it was found that the resistance of constitutional scholars, both legitimate and constitutionalist, was systemic, minimalist, pious, and sought to reform power. Meanwhile, the pattern of resistance of the ulema in the Islamic Revolution has been extra-systemic, maximal and active, non-pious and seeking a change of power.

One of the basic concepts in political systems that defines the roadmap of states is "National Interest", which consists of two components: "Benefit" and "Nationality". Islamic political thought needs to redefine such concepts in its system and the most original source for understanding the Islamic approach is the Holy Quran. Therefore, in a linguistic semantics analysis, we answer the question: what national interests mean in the perspective of the Holy Qur'an. Benefit has features such as being stable, being good and conforming to the truth. To understand the concept of nationality, Quranic interpretations that express social frameworks were examined and the terms which is used in Qur'an in these words: Ummah, Diyar, Qoum, Qariyah, Ta'efah, Nas, Asheerah, Qabilah and Nation were studied. The Holy Quran has a contingent approach to the framework of human society and defines it in the model of human common behavior, and next to this approach, it points to the originality of ideological boundaries. The Holy Qur'an considers Islamic government to be in charge of pursuing interests with the priority of spirituality, and defines these interests in the interaction of two dimensions; national borders that are necessary for human modern life and the original ideological border. Utilitarianism under the concept of national interests is considered a genuine matter and, consequently, human innate utilitarianism has been confirmed. In the Qur'anic literature, it is considered a deity worthy of worship that is beneficial. On the other hand, the importance of the issue of customary and contemplative demarcation of countries and communities, which according to Quranic analysis is a respectable and common thing in which not only the identity and independence of countries is important but also every government is tasked to protect society and its ideals. To provide benefits, and given the contingent acceptance of human communities in the Holy Qur'an, it seems that the human need today, which is the national framework, is accepted by the Qur'an.

Nationalism is a modern concept arising from the identity transformations of the Western world. This new layer of identity gradually dominated the identity of the colonized countries, on the one hand, along with the development of the colonialism of the western countries and, on the other hand, with the development of western knowledge. Weak political systems and imitative pseudo-intellectuals were also very effective in accepting this new identity in an imitative and imposed pattern. However, with the passage of time and Iranian society's encounter with this new layer of identity, we have seen the active engagement and hosting of Iranian identity foundations towards nationalism, and during this development and evolution, nationalism was redefined in the local frameworks of Iranians. This redefinition started from the beginning of the 13th century and continued until after the Islamic Revolution in Iran. The current research, based on its independent theoretical framework, believes that Iranian identity has three layers of Iranianness, Islamism, and revolutionism. These layers have gradually been balanced and were able to build local nationalism. This research shows martyr Soleimani as an example of this identity balance, who was both Iranian and Muslim and also revolutionary. For this purpose, this qualitative research based on a historical study approach has investigated and studied the identity development and evolution during the last century.

War and diplomacy are two tools of power management in the international arena. It is clear that diplomacy is a tool that, with the support of the components of power, can lead to the consolidation and education of national interests. One of the most important sources of power behind diplomacy is semantic and discourse power. Resistance is the main discourse of the Islamic Republic of Iran at the regional and supra-regional level, and the diplomacy of the resistance, backed by the power of this discourse, seeks to ensure the national interests of the Islamic Republic in various international developments, including the Syrian crisis. Explaining the dimensions and results of diplomacy of the resistance of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Syrian crisis is the main question of the present study. The findings of this study indicate that resistance diplomacy in the Syrian crisis has theoretical and practical dimensions and with the support of field power has established and studied the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Documentary method and in-depth interviews with the executive elites of the foreign policy of the country have been used to collect the data of this research and descriptive-analytical method has been used to analyze the data.

The increasing tendency to study social crises and the effort to provide a model for efficient crisis management has led to the production of numerous and diverse analyzes in this field. The fundamental questions in this area are what are crises, how do they arise, why do they arise and spread rapidly, and how can they be managed? But most of the answers to these kinds of questions are in the form of Western and non-religious discourse. The present study aims to define the lexical and idiomatic crisis and study the common principles and models of crisis management, in the form of a case study, the jihadist management life of Prophets Noah, Moses and the Holy Prophet of Islam in the face of social crises to study and answer the question; what were the principles of crisis management of these divine prophets? And how did they control and direct the crisis in a jihadist approach? For this purpose, he examined verses from the Holy Quran that express the occurrence of social crises among the people of Noah (PBUH), MOSES (PBUH) and Muhammad (PBUH) and selected the principles that he used to manage the crisis and in the form of a process it has analyzed and discussed the three stages of crisis formation. Finally, after extracting the principles of jihadi crisis management, he has obtained twelve principles of crisis management, which he has presented in the form of a rotational model of crisis management. The most important of these principles are: anticipation and preparedness, prevention, rapid response, containment, elimination of critical factors,  and study of the crisis and its reconstruction

The concept of national interests is one of the key concepts in designing the foreign policy of countries. In the constructivist perspective, national interests are influenced by norms, ideals, and national identity and, unlike the traditional realist approach, do not break with the value system of political actors. This study examines the relationship between national identity and national interests in Ayatollah Khamenei's intellectual system in the framework of constructivism and considering the position of leadership in the macro policy of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The method of this research is to analyze the content of Ayatollah Khamenei's statements regarding the relationship between national identity and national interests. Ayatollah Khamenei considers the identity of the Iranian nation to consist of Islamic identity, revolutionary identity and Iranian identity. In this study, based on the comparison of the aforementioned identities, the three identities were examined in three dimensions: cultural interests, political interests and economic interests, and it was concluded that the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran derive from the national identity of the Iranian nation. And in all three levels, it has a real relationship with three levels of interests, and in Ayatollah Khamenei's intellectual system, national interests come from the Iranian, Islamic and revolutionary layers. In Ayatollah Khamenei's view, the three national identities provide cultural independence, increased political deterrence, security, and increased national wealth.

The purpose of the present study is to explain the jurisprudential perception of the concept of national interests in foreign policy with emphasis on two concepts of interest and nationality from the perspective of Imāmīya political Fiqh (jurisprudence). The method of study is descriptive analysis and it is designed using the Ijtihādi approach in Fiqh that is formed at the intersection of Nass (divine decree), wisdom, and time awareness in the theoretical framework of “Islamic rationality”. The results showed that Shi’ite political Fiqh in a utilitarian perspective to interrelate religion and the world, spirituality and materiality, and the fixed and changeable principles of human life believes that following interests in Islamic value system is not only an individual responsibility for Muslims but also an existential philosophy of Fiqh as the general jurisprudential regulations convey the same thing. Accepting “rational behavior and foundation”, recourse to “the behavior of the infallible Imams (s)” in encounter with human classifications, paying attention to “al-Farāgh district” (some issue for which no definite religious regulations can be stated), and “the distinction between transactions and prayers” in Fiqh are all considered as an introduction to explain and admit time and place requirement in modern and national classifications. Even if it is not helpful to explain some requirements in advance, religious rationality for the sake of urgency determines national classification and follows national interests within that framework. Furthermore, the moderating principles in political jurisprudence such as “narration of Vaz’”, “urgency”, Miysūr”, al-Aham fal-Aham” lead the Islamic government to admit national pluralities in addition to following the ideal of Islamic unity.

Key sources of international relations all emphasize on the role and importance of national interest in designing of foreign policy worldwide. However In Iranian case, as a political system rising from Islamic Political thought, national interest in a combination of national identity and religious identity. This combination creates many new issues among which the relations between national interest and Islamic principles. This article is an attempt to evaluate this relations in theory and practice. Using Constructivism as a theoretical framework, and conducting ten deep exclusive interviews, the article argues that the relations between national interest and Islamic principles in Iranian foreign policy covers a wide spectrum from pragmatic interaction to practical synergy. The findings of the article show that Iran has acted as a rational player acting through a realist idealism trying to reconcile conflicts between the two concepts aiming to secure the survival of the system as a whole as the ultimate goal.

In the Iran-Iraq War, one group of those of formal position on the war was the clergies and religious scholars in Qom and Najaf. Undoubtedly, the religious leadership of Shi'a Muslims in both countries and their position could have played an important role in the reaction of their followers and the success or failure of each side of the war. The present study seeks to compare the positions of clergymen in the Qom and Najaf center of religious sciences in the Iran-Iraq war. The findings of this study show that, contrary to the full support of clergies in Qom for the Iranian warriors and their persuasion to defend the country, those in Najaf opposed their regime's invasion of neighboring Muslim countries. Of course, they differed in terms of the way of opposition. Some opposed the Ba'ath regime and its military actions, but some remained silent, despite their desire.

The Islamic Revolution of 1979 in Iran, led by Imam Khomeini as a religious authority, helped establish a political order whose domestic and foreign policy was based on Islamic ideology. The aim of this study was to investigate Imam Khomeini’s discourse of foreign policy in relation to national interests and security, and Islamic ideology on three levels, namely, ideology, strategy, and diplomacy.
The main point of departure in Imam Khomeini’s ideological approach was his political and social reading of Islam, i.e. “Political Islam”. Other elements and principles of foreign policy were shaped based on this especial approach. On the level of strategy, Islamic rationality, foreign and domestic threats, and the unification of the Islamic republic were the main focus of attention of national security in relation to foreign policy. In this view, the protection of the Islamic Republic was of primary importance. The next issue was the security of the Islamic world and the Muslims. On the level of diplomacy, and following the principle of Islamic pragmatism, the main focus of foreign policy was considered the national interests of the Islamic Republic. The other components of this approach included public and nationalist diplomacy, non-alignment, Islamicist world, and support of liberation movements. Imam Khomeini’s approach to foreign policy, based on the priority of national security and interests of Iran, showed the significance of Islamic rationality in his foreign policy and the integration of ideals and facts. Unlike the common view, following the Islamic Revolution, Iran became a rational actor, that is, a policy based on Islamic rationality, in the arena of international politics.

The article is about the psychological operation in military war and it mentioned the effectiveness, importance, and lack of native literature and religious in the necessity of referring to religious foundation like as Imam Ali's Sire. The article's main question is about "what are the principles of psychological operation in Imam Ali's military Sire”. In order to answer this question, among his multiple activities, wide three battles, Jamal, siffen, Nahrawan is selected
With due attention to the principles of Sire searching and extraction of Imam Ali's dialectical behavior, the information which were gathered through the library study will be examined qualitatively as Grounded Theory.
This article utterance a variety of options and different kind of psychological operation such as "tactical", "strategic", "consolidation", "psychological operation in crisis" in Imam Ali's military Sire during three period of time "before the battle", "during the battle", and "after the battle" which is based on the categories of the Concept Grounded that conducted the principles of psychological operation of Imam Ali's Sire and recounting the principles of psychological operation on Imam Ali's Sire base on perspicacity principle, attidutional principle, and behavioral principle. The categories that resulted are: logic view, Making and destroy symbols, Consideration to Social capacities, Emotional Influence, Making Passivity in the Opponent, Internal Capicity Creation, Active Positioning.
Imam Ali's military Sire has special characteristics and specifically surrounded three principles of "Guidance", "Taqwa", and "virtualitty".

"Social crisis" is a modern concept developed in contemporary literature of social sciences, for which no exact equivalent can be found in the Holy Quran. Therefore, in order to achieve its Quranic definition, we looked for and analyzed the Quranic words that are equivalent and relevant to the concept of crisis. The Quranic equivalents were chosen based on two criteria: common semantic area and similar exterior examples. This approach is a kind of Izutsuian meaning in order to understand the concepts of the Holy Quran. Twelve words were extracted which were explained in a conceptual analysis, compared with the conventional meaning of social crisis and explained in four-fold logical relations. The analysis showed that social crisis is not desirable; therefore, passive confrontation with it is not acceptable. In a dynamic and active perspective, social crisis in nature is a creation of human society and a divine tradition; crisis is regarded as a definite test which is not unexpected. Believers regard dealing with crisis as an opportunity to grow. Crisis is a two-fold concept, which means both opportunity and threat. The Quranic management of social crisis is a proactive approach.

«Peace» as the one of fundamental concepts in social and political studies has been considered by ‎‎many scholars and has been several definitions. Most definitions of the concept of peace are ‎versus of ‎war and defined by the negative approach، the «absence of war”. New approaches by ‎using positive ‎and proactive view and in order to establish lasting peace، the concept do not ‎define versus of war، ‎but all offensive factors that disturbing the peace are considered and by ‎choosing inner and mental ‎perspective are seeking to build sustainable peace. But، comparing the definition of the Quran about ‎peace shows us the similarities and difference ‎in this field. Telling words in the Quran، which is ‎equivalent to the conventional peace-term، is ‎‎Selm. Selm by two shapes» Selm «and» Salm«represent ‎faithful - internal peace and objective – ‎exterior peace. Accompany of the Selm in the Holy Quran with ‎concepts like justice، rights، ‎dignity and faith provides a different definition of peace. Islamic peace has ‎inner and positive ‎view to the peace، which shall be drawn it in a positive approach to fair terms and ‎holy purposes ‎and the next value of peace is the premise of religion and justice goal and it is not an ‎absolute ‎and final value that achieving it in any way became higher goal than the no peace section‎.

Elucidating and describing the social crisis, an army of theories have come to sense to delivering a crisis management pattern whereby they can be controlled in minimal possible cost which the most of them are attributed from western ones and far from religious tenets, therefore defining the word and term “crisis” the both and studying its current principles and patterns, the present paper gauges the meaning of “crisis” in Holy Quran discourse in outset and then it will assess the crisis management in the war of Ahzab as case study and will answer what were the principles of Prophet Mohammad’s (pbuh)one in the war? In this respect the synonyms of the word in Holy Quran and the story of war of Ahzab and the his crisis management quality are made out which at last accounts for thirteen principles such as: prediction and preparedness, informing, preventing, fast responding, rebuilding, geting crisis maker factors rid of and assessing the crisis.