داود کیانی

In the geopolitical landscape of the 21st century, few nations have ascended as dramatically as China. Over the past few decades, China has transitioned from a largely agrarian economy to a dominant global economic powerhouse, now recognized as the second-largest economy in the world after the United States. This rapid economic development is accompanied by a commensurate rise in political clout, elevating China’s status as a central player in international relations. As a result, China’s role in the global order has undergone a significant transformation, influencing not only its regional neighbors but also the broader international community. This shift has profound implications, particularly for entities like the European Union (EU), which find themselves navigating new and complex dynamics in the face of China’s growing influence.The European Union, as a unique political and economic entity composed of multiple member states, possesses a diverse range of interests and challenges in its relations with China. The EU's approach to China is shaped by its dual objectives on one hand, to harness the economic opportunities presented by a burgeoning Chinese market and, on the other, to address pressing concerns related to human rights violations, security threats, and the broader geopolitical ramifications of China’s actions. The EU has embarked on a nuanced strategy to engage with China, seeking to balance economic cooperation with the need to uphold its values and principles, particularly in response to issues such as civil liberties, environmental standards, and the territorial integrity of nations.This evolving relationship between the EU and China is not without its challenges. The EU must navigate a landscape filled with competing interests, both internally and externally. Member states of the EU have divergent views toward China based on their historical ties, economic dependencies, and individual strategic priorities. This fragmentation poses a significant challenge to forging a cohesive and effective European strategy toward China. Furthermore, the rise of nationalism and populism within several EU member states complicates the landscape, as these political movements often advocate for a more cautious or confrontational stance toward external powers, including China.Parallel to these dynamics is the Islamic Republic of Iran, which finds itself in a unique position due to its strategic geographic location and vast natural resource wealth, particularly in oil and gas. Iran has recognized the potential benefits of fostering closer ties with China within the broader context of its foreign policy. The historical animosities stemming from Western sanctions have led Iran to seek alternative partnerships to bolster its economy and enhance its geopolitical standing. In recent years, Iran has made significant strides in deepening its engagements with China, viewing it as a priority partner capable of counterbalancing Western influence and providing vital economic support.This burgeoning relationship is particularly pronounced in light of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), commonly known as the Iran nuclear deal. Although the deal faced significant challenges, particularly after the United States’ withdrawal in 2018, China emerged as a crucial player in supporting Iran diplomatically and economically. Beijing’s involvement has fueled expectations in Tehran regarding Chinese investment in infrastructure, energy projects, and trade relations. As Iran grapples with the ramifications of international sanctions, the potential for a mutually beneficial partnership with China has become increasingly attractive.However, this deepening relationship is not without its complexities and potential pitfalls. The shifting dynamics of international politics, including the EU's recalibration of its foreign policy toward China, could significantly impact Iran’s strategic calculations. As the EU seeks to reassert its influence in Asia through initiatives like the Global Gateway and its own Indo-Pacific strategy, Iran may face new diplomatic challenges. The EU is likely to weigh its economic interests in China against the value of a principled stance on issues like human rights and regional security, potentially complicating Iran's position.Moreover, the broader geopolitical landscape marked by the U.S.-China rivalry adds another layer of complexity to the EU-Iran-China triangle. As the United States attempts to counter China's growing influence, it may adopt strategies that compel its allies, including EU members, to reassess their relationships with China. This could force Iran to navigate tenuous waters, balancing its partnerships with both China and the EU while remaining vigilant about being caught in the crossfire of great power competition.This multifaceted interaction between the EU, China, and Iran brings us to the core objectives of this research. The first objective is to analyze the key political and economic strategies that the EU employs in its dealings with China. This investigation will focus on the EU's engagements, including trade partnerships, investment agreements, and collaborative initiatives aimed at addressing global challenges such as climate change and public health. Understanding these strategies allows for a comprehensive assessment of how the EU seeks to influence China while safeguarding its interests.The second objective centers on examining the implications of the EU’s China policies on Iran's foreign and economic strategies. This involves scrutinizing how shifts in the EU’s approach toward China could impact Iran’s attempts to leverage its relations with Beijing for economic gains and strategic support in the context of its broader geopolitical ambitions. It is essential to consider how Iran perceives the EU’s stance toward China and whether this perception translates into strategic adjustments in its own foreign policy.Ultimately, this research aims to provide a nuanced understanding of the complex interplay among these three important geopolitical actors. By delving into the evolving relationships between the EU, China, and Iran, we can shed light on the possible future trajectories of their interactions and the impacts on regional and global stability. The goal is to offer insights that not only inform scholars and policymakers but also contribute to a more comprehensive dialogue about the challenges and opportunities that lie ahead in this dynamic triad.

Energy diplomacy is a growing field of diplomatic activity aimed at securing energy security. Due to its increasing impact on national security and the economy, energy has become an integral part of diplomacy and foreign policy, thereby strengthening both. This issue has led Russia, given its strategic position, to utilize energy as a diplomatic tool. This article seeks to examine the political objectives of energy use in Russia's foreign policy, which, after expanding the conceptual frameworkof the research topic, will explore energy diplomacy. According to the relevant documentation presented in this study, the research method is descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method is library-based. The article raises the following question: What are the primary political objectives of Russia’s energy diplomacy in advancing the country’s national interests at the global level? The proposed hypothesis is that "Russia has sought to strengthen its global position by using mechanisms such as adopting uncompromising positions in energy negotiations, creating and exploiting areas of conflict with partners, extracting political concessions from energy exports, and dominating energy transmission networks." The conclusion of the article suggests thatafter the collapse of the Soviet Union, the use of energy resources to achieve foreign policy objectives had the greatest impact in the post-Soviet space, with Russia aiming to influence the domestic and foreign policies of energy-consuming countries through the use of energy as a tool.

Sesame (Sesamum indicum L.) is an oilseed crop widely cultivated in dry and semi-arid regions. It is also among the most healthy and quality edible oil sources worldwide. With a short vegetation period, it has relatively high drought tolerance and potential for decreasing the present gap between consuming and producing the edible oil since it comprises 17–20% protein and 40–50% oil. With minimal input requirements, sesame is well-suited for crop rotation. However, research on optimal irrigation management, particularly the timing of irrigation cut-off, remains limited for existing cultivars and newly introduced lines in the Bushehr regions, a major sesame production hub. This study hypothesizes that optimizing water availability during non-critical growth stages can improve irrigation water productivity while maintaining seed and oil yields.

The experiment was carried out during the 2022 and 2023 growing seasons at the Agricultural and Natural Resources Research Center in Borazjan, Bushehr, Iran. The region has a hot and arid climate with an average annual precipitation of 250 mm, primarily occurring in autumn and winter. The study examined two irrigation regimes: full irrigation (80 mm evaporation) and low irrigation (160 mm evaporation), and three irrigation cut-off timing: at the beginning of flowering, the beginning of capsule formation, and mid-capsule formation, and two sesame genotypes.  Dashtestan 2 cultivar and promising line 7, were evaluated for yield components, seed oil content, oil yield, and irrigation water productivity. A split-split-plot design was used, with irrigation regime as the main plot, irrigation cut-off timing as the sub-plot, and genotype as the sub-sub-plot, arranged in a randomized complete block design with three replications. SAS software (version 9.4) was used to analyze variance on the data. Because Bartlett’s test showed homogeneity of variance in most of the studied traits, data were subjected to combined analysis of variance. Differences between the main effects of treatments were compared using the protected LSD at the 0.05 probability level when the F-test was significant. The slicing method was used to separate the significant interaction effects

As anticipated, reduced water availability under the low irrigation regime significantly decreased seed yield components in both genotypes. However, line 7 outperformed Dashtestan 2 in key yield traits, including the number of capsules per plant and seeds per capsule, particularly under full irrigation, while showing greater resilience to reduced irrigation and earlier irrigation termination. Conversely, Dashtestan 2 exhibited a higher thousand-seed weight. Line 7 showed higher average seed yield across irrigation treatments, and did not require irrigation beyond the early capsule formation to reach its maximum yield, enabling a water saving of at least 600 m 3ha-1 without significant yield reduction. While both genotypes exhibited similar maximum irrigation water productivity, Dashtestan 2’s efficiency gains resulted from lower water use, whereas line 7 combined water savings with a satisfactory yield (733 kg ha-1) when irrigation was cut-off at the capsule-formation stage. Although Dashtestan 2 exhibited a slightly higher seed oil content (up to 1.5%), line 7 produced up to 24% more oil yield.

Replacing older sesame cultivars with improved lines, combined with optimized irrigation management, can enhance water productivity, reduce water consumption, and minimize yield losses.

Following the collapse of the bipolar system, many concepts in international relations underwent significant shifts in meaning. Among these, the concept of security experienced a transformation, shifting from a unidimensional military-focused approach to a multidimensional one. This transformation has influenced the foreign policies of various powers, including China, in the Middle East. This study seeks to answer the question: how has the evolution of the concept of security impacted China's foreign policy in the Middle East? The hypothesis proposed is that the transition of the concept of security from a unidimensional military perspective to a multidimensional one has led China to focus on various dimensions of security, such as political, economic, military, and cultural factors in the Middle East. To analyze the changes in China's foreign policy in the region, the study examines four key aspects: the role and significance of energy in China's relations with Middle Eastern countries, China's trade exchanges with the region, China's political strategy in the Middle East, and the significance of the Middle East within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative.

The background and objectives of the present research is to study and examine the interdependence between the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus and Iran regarding the existence of an interwoven network of extensive forms of security, political and cultural ties in the region and to examine the factors and obstacles to the growth of tourism between Iran and the regions of Central Asia and the Caucasus. The field of study of the current research includes the undeniable necessity of the growth and development of tourism among the countries of Central Asia, Qafaz and Iran at the regional level and the investigation of the obstacles to the growth of tourism in this region. A need that, considering the countless obstacles and challenges that exist in the region, does not show a clear future if not resolved. The research method of the present study is based on the constructivist theory. The most important question of this research is what are the major obstacles to the growth and development of tourism between Iran and Central Asia and the Caucasus? The research findings seek to prove the hypothesis that, considering the effective ethical aspects in the development of tourism and considering the common cultural heritage between Iran and Central Asia and the Caucasus, the most important cultural opportunity in attracting foreign tourists and weakness in diplomacy Cultural, the presence of regional and extra-regional cultural competitors and Iran-phobia have become the main obstacles to the development of tourism in the Central Asia and Caucasus region. The discussion and results of this research, which is historical-analytical.

Background and This research was conducted with the aim of achieving the strategic model of economic security in the intellectual system of the Supreme Leader.Research The current research is qualitative with an exploratory content analysis approach in terms of its practical purpose and in terms of the nature of the data and the method of data collection. The data collection tool was used in the theoretical part using the document-library method and in the field part using the content analysis technique from all the statements of the supreme leader in the field of economics. The statistical population included all the statements of the Supreme Leader regarding the subject of the research. Data analysis has been done using the three-stage coding technique (basic, central and selective).Research The research findings showed that by analyzing the content of the Supreme Leader's statements, there are 34 main indicators, 8 components and 5 dimensions, including "economic authority", "economic independence", "knowledge-based economy", "economy without oil" and "economic resistance" that collectively show the strategy of economic security development from the Supreme Leader's point of view; Obtained. One of the most important concerns of the people and officials is the organization of unfavorable economic conditions, and this issue requires having order and security in the economic spheres, the model presented in this research can play an important role by providing local platforms for economic development and providing security to the economic conditions of the country. have attention in this area.

The sudden withdrawal of Western forces from Afghanistan and the reappearance of theTaliban in this country led to the creation of a new scene in the field of Afghan politics and the change of the position of internal and external actors involved in thiscountry;These developments andevents in Afghanistanbecame aserious challenge for Russia.The sudden withdrawal of the remainingWestern forces from Afghanistan and the seizure of power by the Taliban led to a decrease in fighting violence across the country,but greatly increased the overall level of uncertainty.Therefore, Russia tried toreact to thiscrisis byconsidering regional and international goals.This article is created with the aim of identifying the reasons for revision in the foreign policy of Russia regarding the developments in Afghanistan due to the re-emergence of theTaliban.Therefore, the main question is raised, what are the reasons for revising Russia's foreign policy regarding the developments in Afghanistan due to the emergence of theTaliban in this country?To find the answer to this question, the descriptive-analytical research method has been used,using library collection tools and internet sites.Also,the authors will examine this hypothesis,Afghanistan isof great importancein thestrategicposition of Russia,andstable instabilityin Afghanistan after the withdrawal of American forces can create a security threat forRussia and otherCIS members.The findings of the article show that Russia has dealt with Afghanistan by adopting a tactical approach with the aim of managing and repelling threatsin itsforeign policy.NowRussia is trying toenter the peace processinAfghanistan with its aggressive approach as a world power and in this way it can impose its policy on Afghanistan.

Investigating the position of the West in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Turkey in the form of indicators such as the way international alliances are formed, the extent of the influence of norms on foreign policy, how to define and secure international interests, the assessment of the symmetry of threats and capabilities, and finally the degree of compatibility of each country with international developments. It is included in the agenda of this research. The West as a collective identity and a security complex regulating the structures of the international system; It is one of the most important external variables influencing the political, economic, military and normative foreign policy trends and approaches of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Turkey. The aim of this article is to compare the position of the West in the functions and achievements of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Turkey. This research has analyzed the systemic variables in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Turkey by using a combination of constructivist theories and comparative studies of foreign policy

Iran's role in Syria is widespread not only in the recent war, but also in the course of history, so that these relations can be considered the oldest political, economic and military relations between Iran and one of the Arab countries in the Middle East. In the period after the Islamic Revolution of Iran, the cooperation between the two countries was mostly due to the existence of a common enemy. Therefore, the existence of the Ba'athist regime in Iraq and the Zionist regime, and now Salafi extremism as common enemies of the two countries, have been the most important variables affecting the strategic alliance between Iran and Syria. This study tries to answer the question using "descriptive-analytical method and from the perspective of the principles governing world politics in the Middle East and the principles of international law:" Iran's role in the Syrian crisis according to the realist logic of world politics in "How can the Middle East and the rules of international law be assessed?" The findings of this study show that the Islamic Republic of Iran, citing the originality of sovereignty and legitimate defense in international law and relying on intervention with the invitation and consent of the Syrian government and in the framework of defensive realism and threat balance, maintains its security from security. Syria has begun.

Salinity is one of the most significant environmental stresses for sustainable crop production in the world's agricultural lands. Tomatoes are sensitive to salinity, and it is possible to create a tolerant genotype by evaluating the diversity among tomato genotypes under salt stress and using this diversity in tomato breeding programs. Based on this, in the current study, 22 tomato genotypes were evaluated under salt stress in a randomized complete block design with three replications. In this research, different stress tolerance indices were used to evaluate genotypes under salt stress. Stress Tolerance Index (STI), Tolerance Index (TOL), Geometric Mean Productivity (GMP), Mean Productivity (MP), Harmonic Mean (HM), Yield (Y), Yield Stability (YSI) and Stress Sensitivity (SSI) were calculated based on the total dry weight under control and stress conditions. The results of analysis of variance and mean comparison showed that there is a statistically significant difference between the studied tomato genotypes for two traits, total dry weight and total fresh weight, in two conditions of salt stress and control. These results confirmed the existence of diversity between genotypes in their morphological characteristics. The YP trait showed the highest correlation (0.9) with the MP index and the YS trait showed the highest correlation (0.91) with the HM index, and these indices are suitable for evaluating tomato genotypes under salt stress in the seedling stage. Based on bi-plot analysis, the G10 genotype was the most tolerant genotype, and after that, the G2, G22, G19 and G5 genotypes showed tolerance to salt stress. The cluster analysis divided the genotypes into three separate categories, which showed different behaviors during the transition from a non-stressed environment to a stressed environment. Based on tolerance indices and grouping methods, genotype G10 was identified as a tolerant genotype to salt stress, which can be used as a parent in hybridization and selection of tolerant genotypes.

Border Guard Command of the Islamic Republic of Iran, as the sole guardian of order and security in the border areas, needs a coherent and flawless legal system that can have legal protections in judicial authorities. According to this issue, the present article seeks to identify the legal challenges of the Faraja Border Guard Command in carrying out the assigned missions.

In terms of purpose, the present research is applied and in terms of the nature of the data and the method of execution, it is a type of qualitative research. In this research, data related to the legal challenges of the Border Guard Command were collected and analyzed using the qualitative content analysis method, using the common tool of scanning all legal documents and documents, as well as conducting interviews with experts, experts and commanders familiar with the subject of the research. .

The obtained findings showed that the Faraja border guard command is facing three types of legal challenges in carrying out its missions, which were categorized using the theory of criminal policies in the form of three macro dimensions, which are in the dimensions of legislative challenges, judicial challenges and challenges Executive was extracted.

Considering the dimensions obtained in the findings of the research, in order to reduce the legal vulnerability in the judicial authorities, the border guard command needs to solve the legal challenges in the legislative, judicial and executive dimensions with the cooperation of the General Police Command, the legislature and the judiciary through a review of The relevant laws, especially the laws that have a legislative nature, because the most legal challenges of this command in carrying out its missions as a judicial officer will be reduced by revising this area.

Along with the facilitation and development of communication and interaction between countries, border crimes have also been expanded. Human trafficking is one of the most important crimes that takes place in border areas. The purpose of this article is to analyze the international responsibility of countries in dealing with border crimes with an emphasis on human trafficking.

Given that this article seeks to describe and analyze the international responsibility of countries in dealing with border crimes, in terms of its objectives it is of an applied research type, and in terms of the method of collection and the nature of the data, it is a library and qualitative study. The current research seeks to answer the following question: what are the international responsibilities of countries in dealing with human trafficking crimes at international borders?

The findings indicate that victim protection, prevention, criminalization and determination of punishments such as confiscation of property and extradition of criminals are among the most important international obligations of governments in this field. Some of the governments' obligations are related to actions such as criminalizing human trafficking in the domestic arena, and some of them imply the governments' obligations in the international arena, which is about guaranteeing the implementation of legal gaps in this field.

The obtained results show that the commitments of governments in the international arena require two important components. First of all, the realization of governments' obligations in dealing with border crimes and human trafficking requires regional and international cooperation, without which, it is not possible to deal with this type of crime. Second, the necessary efforts should be made to include human trafficking in the context of an organized and widespread crime in the statute of the International Criminal Court, and this kind of guarantee of the necessary implementation of the governments' obligations in this regard should be provided.

The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Turkey (the Justice and Development Party period) has been influenced by the identity attitude towards the West in recent decades. identity; As a tool for making the foreign policy of both countries, it has had a significant impact on the formation of the concept of national interests. The definition of the leaders of Iran and Turkey from the West has been the basis for the definition of national interests. The basic question of this article is the comparison of the consequences of the way of looking at the West in the foreign policy of Iran and Turkey, and it has also been tried to make this comparison within the framework of the constructivist theory. The consequences of the identity attitude towards the West were compared in issues such as the transformation of discourse power into objective power, the continuity and discontinuity of international policies, the exploitation of geopolitical capacities, the level of development and the relationship between domestic and foreign policy. Therefore, Iran's national interests are based on identity and value-based achievements, and Turkey's national interests are based on economic priorities. Therefore, Iran's national interests are based on identity and value-based achievements, and Turkey's national interests are based on economic priorities.

In a strategic shock, the Taliban in Afghanistan entered Kabul on August 15, following a crisis caused by the Western military withdrawal, the reluctance of the Afghan government and national security forces to fight, and the Taliban's will for power. The early withdrawal of American forces from Afghanistan and the fall of Kabul to the Taliban will have important consequences for the region and international politics more broadly. The developments in Afghanistan with the influence of the Taliban on Afghanistan and the formation of a government by this group have become a matter of concern for the neighboring countries of this country. Iran, as one of Afghanistan's neighboring countries, adopted policies against the Taliban's control over Afghanistan and the formation of a government by this group. Afghanistan, as one of the eastern neighbors of Iran, which has a water and land border with Iran, is naturally a part of the Iranian plateau and has many similarities with Iran in terms of history and culture. The eastern borders of Iran are one of the most important two-way crossings of human, economic and cultural exchanges for the two countries. In terms of geopolitics, in the eastern borders of Iran, respectable Baloch people live, whose relatives are also present in the two countries of Afghanistan and Pakistan, who are always provoked by elements related to foreign intelligence and espionage services for various ethnic and religious reasons. Also, over the years, these borders have been one of the most important security challenges regarding human and drug trafficking. More than millions of Afghans have tasted the problems of these borders in the last four decades; The recent one-year developments in Afghanistan and the re-emergence of the Taliban in Afghanistan's chess scene have also caused many Afghans to flock to Iran's borders, which continues.
The Taliban regained power in Afghanistan with the withdrawal of American forces following the capture of Kabul, the capital of this country, and caused the Islamic Republic of Iran to face some contradictions in facing its eastern neighbors. Iran is not clear-cut, it looks at what is happening as a threat and doubts and does not consider the existence of conspiracy in all developments far from mind. This article collected data using qualitative method and in the framework of aggressive realism, and thematic analysis technique was used to extract the content. This article was formed with the aim of identifying the approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran regarding the Taliban's re-establishment of power and seeks to answer the question, what approach has the Islamic Republic of Iran adopted towards the Afghan Taliban? Also, the authors will examine this hypothesis by stating that the early withdrawal of American forces from Afghanistan and the fall of Kabul to the Taliban has once again changed the turbulent conditions of the Middle East and its geopolitical equations and led to an impact on Iran's interests. and on the other hand, the Taliban, as an extremist Sunni group, is still considered a threat to Iran's national security from the ideological point of view. The results of the research show that based on Iran's position and sensitive role in the region, Iran's positions will be different with regard to the Taliban's approach.
According to the nature of the subject and in order to answer the question in this research, the descriptive-analytical method has been used. In the descriptive-analytical method, the researcher, in addition to revealing what is, describes and explains the whys and hows of the problem and its forms. The method and tool of collecting information and data is in the form of documents in which the researcher has collected the required information using reliable sources or interviews with experts and experts in this field.    
The findings of the article show that Iran's positions will be different according to the Taliban's approach. If the Taliban moves towards the distribution of power and includes other ethnic groups, especially the Shiites and Turkic-speaking people, in the structure of the government, considering that Iran ideologically has a lot in common with the Shiites and Hazaras of Afghanistan, and all these issues are in favor of Iran. is, the goal of the Taliban can be aligned with the interest of the Islamic Republic of Iran. But if the Taliban's approach is based on the monopoly of power, considering that the ideology of this group is different from Iran and they are closer to Saudi Arabia, it seems that the relations between Iran and the Taliban will not be friendly.
The Taliban is an ultra-conservative political and religious faction that emerged with the withdrawal of Soviet forces and the collapse of the communist regime in Afghanistan. This group, which was founded by Mullah Muhammad Omar in the southern part of Afghanistan, centered on the Pashtun people. The Taliban, with their religious and extremist ideology, took drastic measures. In August 2021, the Taliban was able to start a massive advance with the withdrawal of American forces, and it was a good opportunity for the Taliban in Afghanistan to dominate the whole of Afghanistan in a short time. On the one hand, the unfavorable political-security situation, economic crisis, social issues, extreme ideology as internal factors, and on the other hand, the decisions and actions of international powers, including the United States, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia, as external factors in the formation of the phenomenon of Talibanism. Afghanistan has been effective and has enabled the Taliban to quickly advance inside Afghanistan and take control of the capital and force the previous government to flee and become the undisputed ruler of Afghanistan. Considering that the situation in Afghanistan has been messed up for many years. These disturbances can be a threat to the countries of the region, especially the Islamic Republic of Iran. With this consideration, the dimensions and security issues that have arisen against the Islamic Republic of Iran have caused Iran to deal with Afghanistan with a tactical approach with the aim of managing and repelling threats in its foreign policy.

Cooperation in the management of the Syrian crisis is considered a new field in the process of collaboration between Iran and Russia after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. In this regard, there are two different views about the strategic or tactical perspective of relations between two countries inside and outside Syria. Within this framework, the main research question of the present study is: what are the main reasons behind Iran-Russia cooperation in the Syrian war and what is the perspective of the strategic coalition between two countries? The research method is descriptive-analytic and it relies on the hypothesis that since Iran and Russia had long term political-economic interests and also a common enemy in Syria, operational cooperation between two countries in the level of strategic coalition started which successfully led to the stabilization of the Syrian government and provision of the common interests of Iran and Russia. Yet, their strategic coalition in Syria and globally is under the influence of historic perceptions underlying relations between two countries especially, from the view of some Iranian and Russian elites and it would create an important challenge in transition to their strategic alliance in international policy. Accordingly, the research results confirm their strategic coalition but reject their strategic alliance. Iran has always supported the stability of its neighboring countries. The most important threat to Iran is lack of government or having a weak government in the neighboring countries as the instability would penetrate into the territories of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It seems that the Russian federation is also afraid of extension of the Syrian crisis to enter its southern territories. Lack of government in the neighboring countries would be a basis for the emergence of some groups such as ISIS and so on which can possibly be used by regional and trans-regional competitive powers. From this view, one of the important threats to the national security of Iran and Russia is lack of government or having weak governments in their neighboring countries because in this situation regional and trans-regional powers as well as terrorist groups can plan and organize to challenge the national security of two countries.

One of the most important topics in international law is border disputes, which can be seen in various forms in most regions of the world and have a great impact on the type and level of relations between countries in the international system. Considering this issue, in this article we seek to answer the main following question: What achievements has international law made in resolving border disputes between countries? In order to answer the mentioned question, according to the nature of the research data, which is of a qualitative type, a descriptive method was used for data analysis, and after reviewing the documents and reliable scientific sources in both theoretical and analytical parts, the current research was developed. To prove the hypothesis that international law as an international mechanism has had important achievements in the resolution of border disputes, several examples of border disputes between countries were discussed and the findings of the research showed that the legal solutions and procedures provided by the International Court of Justice, which are derived from the laws of international law, has been effective in resolving border disputes between countries and also maintaining peace and stability in the world community. In the following, the conclusion drawn from the present research is as follows: Middle Eastern countries, especially the Islamic Republic of Iran, due to the existence of numerous territorial and border disputes with their neighbors, need constructive interactions with international legal institutions, because the best way to achieve the benefits and national security to be effective, is the path soft power and international capacities.

Sesame is an important crop plant for harsh environmental conditions because it is relatively resistance to drought stress. Evaluation of different genotypes in different climate condition plays a fundamental role in selection of the best genotypes before the commercial release of a variety and helping in identify plant traits that should be monitored during breeding experiments. In the present study, 10 promising lines obtained from the preliminary yield test were investigated to evaluate the yield compatibility along with 6 local cultivars in a randomized complete block design experiment with three replications in two cropping years (2018 and 2019) in Dashtestan climate condition in Bushehr province. During the growing season, phenology traits, grain yield components and grain yield were measured. Based on the results of ANOVA, statistically significant difference was observed between different genotypes for plant height, height of the first sub branch, height of the first capsule, number of sub branches, number of capsules per plant, length of capsule, length of capsule bearing zone, number of seeds in capsule and grain yield. Based on the mean comparison and biplot analysis the genotype 12 (Local Dashtestan), 2 (SES97-103), 7 (SES97-110) and 15 (Local Jiroft), were identified as superior genotypes for grain yield. Genotype 5 (SES97-105) and genotypes 14 (SES97-124) with 104.5 days and 4 (Local Darab1) with 111 showed the highest and lowest number of days to maturity, respectively. First capsule height showed the highest positive and significant phenotype (0.56) and genetic (0.78) correlation with grain yield. Days to the end of flowering and days to physiological maturity traits showed a negative genetic correlation with yield. Cluster analysis separated 16 sesame genotypes into four separate groups. Based on regression analysis, the height of the first capsule was identified as the most sensitive trait in predicting the yield of sesame genotypes in Dashtestan region in Bushehr province, which seems it can be considered during breeding programs.

This article has been formed with the aim of identifying the reasons for revision in Iran's foreign policy regarding the developments in Afghanistan due to the re-emergence of the Taliban.

According to the nature of the subject in order to answer the main and secondary questions in this research, analytical, historical and descriptive methods have been used. In the analytical-descriptive method, the researcher, in addition to revealing what is, describes and explains the whys and hows of the problem and its forms. The method and tools of data analysis are determined and reviewed based on its thematic nature.

The findings of the article show that Iran's positions will be different according to the Taliban's approach. If the Taliban moves towards the distribution of power and includes other ethnic groups, especially the Shiites and Turkic-speaking people, in the structure of the government, considering that Iran ideologically has a lot in common with the Shiites and Hazaras of Afghanistan, and all these issues will benefit Iran. is, the Taliban's goal can be aligned with what the Islamic Republic of Iran is interested in. But if the Taliban's approach is based on the monopoly of power, considering that the ideology of this group is different from Iran and it seems that they are closer to Saudi Arabia that the relations between Iran and the Taliban will not be friendly.

The results of the research show that the Islamic Republic of Iran adopts a realistic approach regarding the Taliban in order to consolidate its position while pursuing revolutionary ideals in order to increase the security factor. and the survival of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Despite the challenges in our relationships between both actors and U.S. pressure, the European Union has tried to expand its relationships due to relative advantage in areas of cooperation, and this research, based on descriptive-analytical method and library studies, answers the main question: What components are the factors that promote and what are the challenging factors for the relations between the two? It seems that: It seems that the European Union, due to negative U.S. propaganda and despite disagreements with Iran over issues such as human rights, nuclear issue and terrorism and arms war in the Middle East, also has common interests in the form of energy security and foreign investment.The geopolitical and geostrategic position of Iran and its impact on regional security is important and the EU is trying to deepen its relations with Iran and its influence. to increase the whole region

Iraq and Egypt are known as two important countries in the Arab world. With the formation of the developments in Iraq in 2003, which led to the overthrow of the Ba'ath party, as well as the developments in Egypt in 2011, which paved the way for the revolution in this country, the concept of authoritarianism became more and more important in these countries. The main question of the present study is that what are the most important aspects of authoritarianism in Iraq and Egypt after the change of political systems in these two countries? In response to this hypothesis, although, unlike Egypt, Iraq has had more relative success in reducing the role of the military in the structure of the new political system and strengthening public participation in its policy towards transition to democracy, Egypt after the change of political system There has been more political stability in that country. The results show that in the Egyptian political structure, the military has always been recognized as one of the main pillars. With the developments that led to the revolution in this country, the military continues to play an important role in managing affairs in this country. On the other hand, Iraq has been able to greatly reduce the role and influence of the military in the political structure of this country. Another important point is that the developments in the two countries show the importance of the fact that with the events of 2003 in Iraq,

Relations between Iran and Europe are more than four centuries old, and the first contacts with political goals go back to the era of Shah Ismail Safavi. Since then, Iran has gradually entered the geopolitical games between the European powers. Although the Islamic Revolution and Iran's ideological foreign policy changed the political relations between this country and the European countries, the economic relations remained largely intact and Iran remained Iran's first trade partner until the European Union joined the US nuclear sanctions in 2012. The purpose of the current research is to examine the ups and downs of the relations between Iran and Europe in the first place and then in the second and more important stage, to analyze the position of the European Union in the foreign policy of the 13th government. Based on this, the main research question is, what position does the European Union have in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially the 13th government? In response to this question, the argument of this article is that, the Islamic Republic of Iran's economic and technological need for the European Union and Iran's efforts to prevent the convergence of the European Union with the United States towards this country, always make the expansion of cooperation with this union a strategic priority. Iran has transformed over the past decades. However, the experience of the European Union's inaction towards the withdrawal of the United States from the JCPOA and the increase in the position of the eastern powers in the international system have reduced the motivation of the 13th government in Iran to deepen relations with the European Union

Salinity is considered as complex stress and plants show different reactions to this stress based on their genetic structure. Therefore, it is possible to achieve the salinity-tolerant genotype in plants through creating changes in the genetic structure and breeding activities. Tomato is in the group of plants sensitive to salinity stress. Distinct studies have been explained different indicators for tolerance to salt stress in tomato. Identifying a reliable indicator in the early stages of plant growth under salt stress is necessary to evaluate a large number of samples in plant breeding projects. Based on this, in the current project, 10 tomato genotypes were evaluated under salt stress in the form of a randomized complete block design with three replications. The results of variance analysis showed a statistically significant difference between genotypes for the stress tolerance index in the traits of root dry weight (RDW), root fresh weight (RFW), leaf dry weight (LDW), leaf fresh weight (LFW), stem fresh weight (SFW), total dry weight (TDW) and total fresh weight (TFW). The results of cluster analysis and GGEbiplot analysis classified the genotypes into four groups. Based on the results of multiple regression analysis, the index of stress tolerance with total dry weight (STI-TDW) and total fresh weight (STI-TFW) was recognized as a suitable index for evaluating tolerance to salt stress in tomato genotypes. It seems that these index can be used for the screening of tomato germplasms under salt stress for plant breeding projects.

The phenomenon of fundamentalism in the Islamic world is not a dominant and pervasive phenomenon among Muslims themselves. However, in the context of fundamentalism and Salafism, we can point to a major factor in the confrontation with Western civilization and modernity and local factors such as the lack of democracy, conventional religious education and the rise of religious beliefs in some societies. Because modernity, by transforming the role of religion in individual and social life, has created numerous identity and social crises for traditional Muslim societies and has left far-reaching and fundamental effects on relations between global actors. The main question now is what effects does the growth of extremist fundamentalism in the Middle East have on the security relations of the international system? It seems that extremist fundamentalism, as a megacity that divides the world into a minority of the right and the majority of infidels and considers war or so-called jihad against the infidel front necessary, can endanger global security. Therefore, the main purpose of the foundation is to evaluate the effects of the variable, extreme fundamentalism in the Middle East on security relations in the international system; Therefore, according to the evaluations, it has been categorized into the results that. In this regard, the research in the process of its studies by collecting the necessary data to study, analyze the relationships of the data, to provide suggestions, its theoretical, strategic and operational nature is more tangible.

After the victory of the Islamic Revolution and the establishment of the Islamic Republic in Iran, the friendship and interaction between Iran and the United States of America has given way to confrontation and hostility. Despite the various views that have been put forward in this regard, so far little research has been done to explain this confrontational approach between the two countries by examining the internal and external factors that are influential in this field. In this article, the main question is; The continuation of confrontation between the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America is based on what approach and components can be analyzed and analyzed? The main hypothesis; Continuity and reasons for the continuation of confrontation between the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America in the form of a neo-realism approach based on internal components such as anti-arrogance and the fight against American hegemony and external components such as; Iranophobia, Jewish lobbies and opposition groups of the Islamic Republic of Iran, hostile propaganda, Arab and Iraqi incitement against Iran, American military actions against Iran, and extensive American sanctions can be explained and analyzed. The main objective; The investigation and analysis of the internal and external influencing factors on the continuation of the confrontational approach of the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America.

Extensive efforts have been made in the direction of nuclear diplomacy between Iran and the 5+1, which ultimately led to the JCPOA agreement. In this article, while examining the post-JCPOA era, using the theory of deterrence, the analysis of Iran's policies towards the United States of America will be discussed and a suitable solution will be presented. Also, in the article leading to the different strategies of the parties, the consequence of each strategy is expressed quantitatively for its correct and easy understanding. In this article, the main question is; From the perspective of deterrence theory, the foreign policy strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the post-JCPOA era can be analyzed and evaluated based on what approach and components? The main hypothesis; Iran's foreign policy in the post-JCPOA era is based on America's offensive strategy in the framework of a realistic deterrent defensive approach based on Iran's relationship with neighboring countries and strengthening the axis of resistance and rational calculation in order to reduce costs and increase benefits. The main objective; The review and analysis of the foreign policy strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the post JCPOA era towards the United States of America is from the perspective of deterrence theory. In this research, a library method was used to collect sources and a descriptive analytical method was used to analyze the materials.