رحمت حاجی مینه

The Universal Periodic Review (UPR) is the UN Charter-Based Body and one of the main pillars of the Human Rights Council with an objective, transparent, non-selective, constructive, and non-political behavior with the aim of ensuring equal treatment with all the United Nations member states which it works when assessing their human rights situation. The UPR was created based on the resolution 60/251 .Therefore, the current article is an attempt which has been made to investigate the impacts of the abovementioned mechanism on the function of the Islamic Republic of Iran from its human rights perspective. Having said that, the main purpose of this article is to identify and analyze the impact of the Universal Periodic Review mechanism on the functioning of the Islamic Republic of Iran from its human rights outlook, especially to improve its situation and support of the inherent and fundamental human rights. The hypothesis of this article is founded on that, the United Nations UPR mechanism, as a body based on interaction and cooperation with the United Nations member states, including the Islamic Republic of Iran, whereas providing human rights recommendations to the Islamic Republic of Iran, provides a conducive platform for improving the interaction and cooperation of this country with human rights treaty bodies, Special Procedures and other international human rights organizations including the Human Rights Council, and has impacted the country’s function from its human rights perspective. The article uses the descriptive-analytical method and the theoretical framework based on neoliberal institutionalism.

Following the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1357, supporting liberating movements was adopted as one of the principles of Iran's foreign policy. The development of the influence of Israel and the West around Iran, the coordination of some governments in the region with the policies of these two actors, and the fluctuation of relations with Iran required Iran to make the support of the resistance groups the main priority of its foreign policy in the region for its own interests. As for the consequences of Iran's support for this axis, different views have always been expressed in Iranian society. The question that this article seeks to answer is: In the aftermath of the developments following the storm at Al-Aqsa, what is the impact of the weakening of the Axis of Resistance on Iran's security in West Asia? To answer the question of this research, an explanatory analytical method based on documentary data such as library and first-hand Internet data was used. The results show that the weakening of the Axis of Resistance has such consequences as: degrading the regional position and adapting the political geography to the territorial geography of Iran; Iran's withdrawal from the level of a regional power with the ability to change and influence the governing equations in West Asia will prevent the formation of a new regional order centered on resistance and prevent maximizing economic and political security and creating military deterrence against threats.

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the geopolitical changes in the Caucasus region are the factors that have made the geopolitical factors of this region more important and influential.Considering Iran's neighborhood and historical and cultural commonalities with this region and the effect of geopolitical changes of the recent crisis on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the main question is, what effect has the second Karabakh war had on Iran's security environment?The main hypothesis of the article is that the presence of regional and extra-regional actors and sometimes with conflicting interests in the Second Karabakh War caused the continuation of the crisis and the effect of this model based on the continuation of the crisis will make Iran's peripheral environment in the South Caucasus more secure and remain secure. This article is based on the qualitative research method and a case study based on the theoretical framework of Brecher's crisis model and we have come to the conclusion that due to its continuation, the recent crisis will have effects on the countries of the region, especially on Iran, where the Caucasus region is located in its security periphery, and this situation has prevented economic and political integration in the region, and for follow-up Iran's interests will create restraint in the region.

This article tries to answer the question that what is the position of proxy wars in the regional competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia in Syria? we investigated proxy groups of Iran and Arabia and the views of these two countries on the Syrian crisis. 

The information collection tool is a library and the use of Iranian and foreign websites. the collected materials are analyzed descriptively and compared with each other. This article is study of the behaviors of the proxy forces of the Iran using descriptive-analytical method. Theoretical framework . This article examines the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia with a focus on proxy warfare and with an emphasis on realism theory.

Iran and Saudi Arabia have tried to limit each other's sphere of influence since the Syrian crisis, their competition and disagreement was on the Syrian issue. The hypothesis of the article is that proxy wars between Iran And Saudi Arabia has reduced the direct confrontation between the two actors in Syria. resultThis research, with a realist approach and examining the relations between the two countries, despite the differences between the foreign and regional policies of Saudi Arabia and Iran.Proxy wars have prevented the occurrence of war and direct conflict between them.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, there have been several conflicts in the Caucasus region, the most important of which is the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the Nagorno-Karabakh region. The South Caucasus is the meeting point of different religions, cultures, and civilizations as well as the path of transmission of Caspian energy to Europe and is considered one of the most important and strategic points in the world and has always been the focus of great powers that have caused relatively stable conflicts in the region due to competition in the region. It has increased the energy reserves in the Caucasus region for Iran and other regional and transregional powers. Research question: The main question is what effects did the Karabakh conflict have on the economic security of the region? Research hypothesis: This study hypothesizes that, despite the region’s economic potential due to its geopolitical and geoeconomic significance, the ongoing Karabakh conflict has hindered regional economic cohesion and damaged the economic security of the South Caucasus. Methodology (and Theoretical Framework if there is one): The article is qualitative research and using the Copenhagen school, it examines the consequences of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict on the economic security of the region. This research was carried out by collecting information from library sources and articles and the research found that the continuation of this conflict and the existence of friendship and enmity patterns in the Caucasus caused economic consensus to not take place in this region, unlike Europe, and this prevented the formation of the economic environment has flourished in the region. Convergence and use of the regionalism model with an economic approach can help to solve the current crisis.

Following the Taliban's Re-establishment in Afghanistan in August 2021, ensuring security and stability in the country has become particularly significant due to its proximity to Iran. The media play a crucial role in fostering unity and promoting convergence between the two neighboring countries. The Taliban's caliphate-oriented tendencies have led to increased media restrictions compared to previous years. Accordingly, Iran's foreign media should seek ways to preserve and enhance the influence and unity of the people in both countries. Thus, the primary research question is: 'How can media diplomacy enhance convergence between the two nations following the return of the Taliban?' This study was conducted based on the theories of media diplomacy and convergence, employing the database method. Based on this framework, semi-structured interviews were conducted to analyze the perspectives of 16 experts in Afghanistan, with MAXQDA software employed to streamline the coding and data analysis processes. The research findings indicate that the factors influencing media diplomacy are as follows: a) Background factors, which include security concerns, military readiness, strategic culture, and religious dynamics; b) Causal factors, encompassing deep historical and cultural ties, customs, and both internal and external political influences; c) Mediating factors, consisting of Afghan refugees, ethnic diversity and minorities, economic considerations, environmental factors, and issues related to women. Furthermore, Iran's stance of neutrality toward the Taliban-led government has significantly contributed to media diplomacy. Leveraging the resources of Persian culture and civilization is identified as the most important and effective means of fostering convergence between the two countries.
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The statement of the second step has opened a new chapter of drawing the future in the Islamic Republic of Iran.The future of a civilization based on identity values is a realistic ideal with the recognition of the capacities that can be used to advance the realizable future.paying attention to important Civilizing factors such as human and material resources,intelligence in policy making we will try to analyze one of the most important factors,the economy.Why is the economy Strong and efficient,it has a role beyond the field of economy and can itself be a security generator for the society.In this article,the question is:What is the role of the economy in the realization of the Islamic civilization?The hypothesis is:"Economy,as one of the most important aspects of society,plays a key and security role in the realization of modern Islamic civilization."In this regard,we will use the analytical-explanatory method while taking advantage of related theories.

Southwest Asia and North Indian Ocean are important and strategic regions of the world, which are of great importance in terms of geopolitics and geoeconomics. The question raised in this research is, what is Iran's naval strategy to increase sea power in Southwest Asia and North Indian Ocean? In response to this question, The author expresses that according to the general policies of sea-oriented development, Iran's maritime strategy is not hegemonic, but a peaceful and cooperative strategy. To implement this strategy, Iran has two opportunities: transportation and energy, which will expand its maritime credibility and become the foundation of Iran's maritime power. However, the Islamic Republic of Iran is facing obstacles from its competitors in the region to use these two mentioned opportunities. Despite this, one of the main goals of Iran's competitors is to isolate the country. They are looking for the Islamic Republic not to use the two mentioned opportunities, so that the country will be in economic trouble and lack of global acceptance and cause the reduction of Iran's presence in the sea. It also provides the arena for other regional and extra-regional forces.Therefore, the solution for Iran's strong presence in both transportation and energy sectors is to activate Chabahar port and pay attention to regional and extra-regional energy needs. Qualitative method, library and internet sources have been used to investigate my research.

The collapse of Iran and the transformation of two Caspian water neighbors, Iran and Russia, and the addition of three other countries, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, and Kazakhstan, have caused border disputes between them. At the same time, the attitude of these countries has also changed towards the conditions of this water area and the methods of ownership and exploitation of it. Among the most important countries that have differences in this field are Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan. Despite having historical commonalities, the two countries have a fundamental difference of opinion on issues related to the Caspian Sea from a legal point of view. Thus, this research intends to answer the question that what are the factors influencing the differences between Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan in legal terms in the Caspian Sea? The hypothesis of the article has been answered by the descriptive-analytical method and the collection of library sources, that the different attitudes of the two countries regarding whether it is a sea or a lake, different attitudes towards the conventions of 1941 and 1920, the difference of attitude in determining the boundaries and differences in the issues of dividing common fields of energy and islands Artificial is one of the points of difference between the two countries. The findings of the research show that the continuation of the current approaches and their lack of peaceful resolution will hinder the convergence of the two countries in the field of water-energy cooperation.

Japan is one of the world's economic powers and one of the most industrialized countries in Asia, while competing with Beijing, and has probably been influential in general foreign policy developments and in the recent direction of Tokyo's regional policies. Japan is Taiwan's most important strategic partner in East Asia. With the rise of China and the intensification of strategic competition between China and the United States, the US-Japan alliance continues to serve as a vital cornerstone of peace and security in the Asia-Pacific. The principles of structural realism enable a more comprehensive understanding of motives, strategies, and consequences. For the analysis of this research, structural realism may provide the most valuable insights among international relations theories. Thus, this research, from the perspective of structural realism, considers the system as a whole with interconnected components. These structures are what affect the actions of units within the system and shape their behavior. In this article, using the theory of structural realism in a descriptive-analytical manner, the following hypothesis is put forward: Japan's policy of maintaining the status quo regarding the Taiwan issue, which is in conflict with China's policy regarding the annexation of Taiwan to the mainland, has on the one hand increased the level of tension in the East Asian region, and on the other hand, has created greater strategic closeness between the United States and Japan.

The implementation of Turkey's huge dam construction projects on the international rivers Tigris, Euphrates and Ars has caused various consequences for the neighboring countries. This action has brought reactions from the downstream governments that are directly related to the rights of these governments and the obligations of the upstream government from the perspective of international law. Although Turkey responded to these criticisms and justified the construction of dams as an internal issue within the framework of national sovereignty, but in terms of the consequences of this Turkish policy for the surrounding countries, it cannot be considered limited to national sovereignty. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to investigate the legal aspects of Turkey's dam construction (Gap and DAP) based on the logic of its consequences on the surrounding countries (Iran, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Syria and Iraq). The main question of the research is that Turkey's huge dam constructions in the form of GAP and DAP projects can be interpreted from a legal point of view with which domestic law and international law cases? which, with a descriptive-analytical method, evaluates the hypothesis that Turkey's numerous dams on the international rivers Tigris, Euphrates and Aras in the form of GAP and DAP projects, from an internal point of view, violate the first article of the rights of minorities and article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. From an international point of view, it is contrary to Article 5 of the rule of fair use in international waterway rights and in conflict with the rule of no damage, the principle of prevention and caution in international environmental law.

Cultures, like other social phenomena, have life, in the passage of time due to communication with each other and the ease of absorption or removal of each other's elements, or they grow and develop and become new elements. Cultures are fixed things and They are not without change and even though they maintain their principles and foundations, the result of this connection is establishing a mutual relationship between media and culture. The purpose of this research is to investigate the interaction of media and cultural rights in the context of international human rights. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical, and the method of collecting information is documents and library, which was done by referring to documents and examining the theoretical foundations related to the concepts related to the research. The results showed that the trends that have been experienced in the international human rights system in the field of cultural rights indicate that although no legal document is specifically dedicated to culture and all its aspects, but in a wide range of examples All or some of its aspects have been mentioned in international documents, including treaties or declarations and reports and world summits.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the declaration of independence under the Soviet rule, due to the existence of nationalist tendencies, the existence of crises, internal challenges, weakness in state-nation building, the entry of foreign actors and these actors with a combination of which some of them are conflicting, the stability and security of the South Caucasus and Central Asia region has faced challenges. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the geopolitical changes that took place in the Caucasus region were a factor that made the geopolitical factors of this region more important and influential. Considering Iran's neighborhood and historical and cultural similarities with this region, the geopolitical factors of the Caucasus can be considered influential on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The question that arises is what consequences has the recent crisis had for Iran, especially in its security environment? The main hypothesis of this article, in order to answer this question, is that recent developments and changes that have taken place can have effects on Iran's economy, politics, and security environment, and confront Iran's security environment with challenges from regional and trans-regional actors. This article is a qualitative research and uses an explanatory method to examine the issue that the recent crisis will have effects on the countries of the region, especially on Iran, which is located in its security periphery, and that the competition between great powers in the South Caucasus region has caused Iran's security periphery to face challenges from regional and trans-regional actors.

Iran, due to its situation between the three continents of Asia, Europe and Africa, has a unique geographical location in the world. Today, due to the emergence of economic powers in Asia and the increase of exchanges between countries in the last few decades, the importance of Iran's territorial position and the creation of corridors has multiplied. The purpose of this article is to explain Iran's position in regional and international corridors and the factors affecting Iran's position, especially rival corridors or corridors that have the ability to negatively affect Iran's geopolitical importance, emphasizing the role of the media. To achieve the desired goal, the research has been followed by using the descriptive and explanatory methods from a critical geopolitical perspective. The main hypothesis is that in addition to Iran's strategic position in the political geography of the region, three internal (including macro-politics), regional (regional cooperation and competition) and international (anarchic structure and hegemonic interests) factors promote the advantage. The relative positions of Iran's corridors compared to competing corridors are influential. The findings of the research show that the corridors are an effective factor in shaping Iran's regional and extra-regional power position; But this strategic advantage is constantly under threat from rival corridors and internal and regional factors. In corridor competition, reliance on security, cost reduction and time-saving are the most important competitive advantages of Iran's regional corridors compared to rival corridors. On the other hand, according to the function of the media, especially the overseas media, they can be present as an active observer in all stages from planning, execution and implementation to operationalisation and maintenance of the corridors. and by emphasizing the collective interests, play a colorful role in the convergence between the countries of the region in order to activate the corridors.

One of China's policies to achieve hegemony is to effectively influence international financial institutions and institutions to use their capacity to promote national power. China is the only country that is currently a strategic rival to the United States. Its actions in the international arena in the America are interpreted as a code of conduct in competition with Washington and are therefore opposed. China's accession to the World Trade Organization has become one of the most important areas of competition between China and the United States. The main question is what are the most important divisive factors between China and the America in the World Trade Organization? And this issue in macro strategic competition how does it make sense? The hypothesis of the article has been studied descriptively-analytically, the differences between the America and China in the World Trade Organization include the yuan rate, customs tariffs, monopoly on the electronic payment market, and intellectual property.The two countries are trying to use the capacity of the World Trade Organization to enhance their institutional power, and the success of each of them in the World Trade Organization affects the success or failure of the two in the competition for hegemony.

One of the important issues in the field of international political economy is the conflict between America and China in the World Trade Organization (WTO) over compliance or non-compliance with the norms of this organization. The United States accuses China of not adhering to the standards it committed to after becoming a member of the WTO, while China strongly adheres to the regulations of this international organization. China's reasoning in pretending that the country adheres to the regulations of the World Trade Organization raises the question of whether there may be political and security motives behind America's claims. In other words, is it possible that America's claim against China has a political-security nature rather than a legal-commercial aspect? The hypothesis of this article is that because economic capability is the basis of military and political capability, the US is probably worried that Beijing will take advantage of the capacity of the World Trade Organization to strengthen its economic capability and, as a result, its military and political capability, thereafter in the competition for gaining a hegemonic position is like overtaking America. The findings of the article show that in many cases America has surpassed China in violating the standards of the World Trade Organization, and this issue confirms the claim that America is more concerned about the possible weakening of its dominant position than it is about international standards. It is in the field of global politics.

Since 2011, Turkey and Qatar have played a role as two active actors in the Middle East and Persian Gulf developments. With the Arab Spring in 2011 and the Syrian crisis, important changes took place in Doha-Ankara relations. The relations between the two countries improved significantly after the Arab Spring, and Doha has gained an important position as Turkey's regional ally in the country's foreign policy. The alignment of Turkey-Qatar relations, especially after the Arab Spring, has been the result of the existence of mental images and shared perceptions and mutual identity and ideological links, especially with regard to the Muslim Brotherhood movement. In this article, using the theory of social constructionism, we are trying to explain the factors affecting foreign policy and relations between Turkey and Qatar. The method used in the article is analytical-descriptive. The main question in this article is how to explain the regional relations between Turkey and Qatar (2011-2020) using social constructionism? The hypothesis is that: Based on social constructivism, Turkey-Qatar's common intersubjective perception and perceptions derived from the ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood, which led to a common identity, bring the two governments closer together at the regional level between the years (2011-2020).

Iran and Pakistan, as two important players in Southwest Asia, with their vast common borders, play an important role in regional and international developments. The component of commercial and port capacities of Gwadar and Chabahar ports plays a decisive role in the development of these relations. Considering the importance of the impact of these two ports in the international relations between the two countries and the great impact they have on the growth and development of their surrounding areas, in the present study descriptive-analytical method to explain the strategic capacities of the two ports in the development of peripheral areas and growth We will discuss convergence in the relations between Iran, Pakistan and the region, and we will analyze the opportunities and challenges ahead in achieving a strategy based on solidarity and convergence in the relations between the two countries. In the present study, we seek to answer the fundamental question that what effect do the strategic capacities of Chabahar and Gwadar ports have on the mutual relations between Pakistan and Iran? It seems that the flourishing of strategic capacities of Chabahar and Gwadar ports in the field of services, transit, economy and increasing convergence and regional solidarity between the two ports and thus increasing the level of services and transit and revenue of the two regions, has a direct impact on capacity development. Economic development in the deprived areas of the two ports, as well as the quantitative and qualitative expansion of Pakistan-Iran relations.

As two strong players in the Middle East, Turkey and Saudi Arabia greatly influence the regional equations. In 2002, the Justice and Development Party's rise to power in Turkey profoundly changed the nation’s foreign policy. Ahmet Davutoğlu's ideas are known as “Neo-Ottomanism”. The 2011 Arab uprisings changed relations between the two countries from cooperation (since the Justice and Development Party's rise to power) to competition and conflict, with Turkey and Saudi Arabia adopting different and opposing policies towards Qatar. The main research question is, how has Neo-Ottomanism affected the regional relations between Turkey and Saudi Arabia (emphasis on Qatar)? The main research objective is explaining how neo-Ottomanism affects the regional relationship between Turkey and Saudi Arabia (emphasis on Qatar). This descriptive-analytical study concludes that due to Qatar's support for Iran in the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council in 2017, Turkey and Saudi Arabia's conflict of interests on account of the Arab Spring and the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafist discourse led to the Turkey-Qatar coalition.

Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar are three active countries in the regional developments of West Asia. Following the beginning of the Syrian crisis in 2011, Doha-Ankara relations became closer day by day but Turkey-Saudi Arabia relations due to the closeness of Turkey-Qatar relations, Ankara's support for Doha, Riyadh's and Ankara's contrasting views on the Muslim Brotherhood and regional issues turned towards tension and conflict. The role of the media is important in the closeness of relations and interests, the reduction of tensions or the emergence of differences in the perceptions of Turkey, Qatar and Saudi Arabia. The main purpose of this article is to explain the factors affecting the relations between Turkey, Qatar and Saudi Arabia (2011-2020) using the theory of social constructivism with a reflection on the role of the media. In the frame of analytical-descriptive research method the main question is how to explain the foreign policy of Turkey, Qatar and Saudi Arabia (2011-2020) based on the theory of social constructivism with a look at the role of the media. Perceiving the importance and role of the media, Turkey and Qatar, are trying to neutralize the efforts of Saudi Arabia as their ideological rival and presenting themselves as models of progress in the region.

Foreign policy decisions are often based on assumptions about foreign policy actors. Donald Trump's foreign policy in the Middle East was confused from the beginning! But what exactly was his foreign policy? Many critics see this confusion in the president not making the right decision.A simpler and more accurate explanation for the confusion is that Trump's foreign policy did not take on a name. The purpose of this study is to answer the main question of this article: How was the US foreign policy during the Trump presidency based on decision models? The authors' hypothesis is that US foreign policy under Trump was based on a combination of systematic elements, Trump personal characteristics, the influence of domestic issues, bureaucratic policies and personal connections, and "wrong political assumptions" in Trump decisions. The research confirms the hypothesis of the authors of the article. The type of analysis in this research will be descriptive-analytical and the theoretical framework presented is based on decision theories.

Considering the increasing role of Russia and Turkey in the world, including the tensions in Libya, the war in Azerbaijan and Armenia, the increase in Turkey's economic presence in Central Asia and relations with Latin America, as well as the strong economic relations between Ankara and Moscow and the 12% population of Muslims of Turkish origin living in Russia, who always They support Ankara's policies, it can be said that the Syrian crisis has become a tool for bargaining and exchanging points between the two countries Russia and Turkey, and this crisis has had a significant impact on Russia's strategy towards Turkey. The aim of this research is the impact of the Syrian crisis on Russia's strategy towards Turkey. The main question of the research is that what effect has the Syrian crisis had on Russia's strategy towards Turkey? The hypothesis of the research is also proposed as follows: The Syrian crisis caused Russia to try to transform Turkey from an active actor capable of disrupting regional issues to an aligned actor and to remove Turkey from the Western orbit as much as possible. On the basis of contingent realism, he should adopt a cooperative strategy with Turkey. The findings of the research also indicate the proof of this issue. The method of conducting this research is descriptive-analytical.

This research aims to analyze and evaluate the United Nations’ activity to settle the crisis in Afghanistan by applying a qualitative method based upon data gathering using the United Nations archival resources and descriptive-analytical method to answer how the United Nations' activity to settle the crisis in Afghanistan has been. the research revealing theory is: The United Nation -one of the most influential intergovernmental organizations- had excessive efforts by implementing and executing political (Through the sixth and seventh resolutions of the UN Charter), diplomatic enterprises (Through the Secretary General and his Special Presentative) and institutionalization (By monitoring the implementation of resolutions and action) through It reduced and confronted crises and empowered and rebuilt the country at some point in time main institutions e.g. security council, general assembly and secretary-general to settle the crisis in Afghanistan, although the aim wasn’t quite accomplished; the research findings according to Micheal Bercher international crisis analysis model and principals indicate that the united nation organization hadn’t been eminent in settling Afghanistan crisis due to organizational weakness and conceptual dependency, despite having high independency and legitimacy level at the international level, and acted passively and nonstrategic. The end of the Second World War was the beginning of the development of organized and regular international and regional relations and dependencies and the comprehensive growth of multilateral cooperation of governments in all fields such as political, economic, and social in international arrangements. In this context, the United Nations as the best and best model and example of an international governmental organization to provide and protect world peace and security, steps into the field of international relations; Therefore, the role of this organization is to protect peace and create security has been revealed today in the form of deterring and preventing conflicts or limiting them. Therefore, despite the many existing deficiencies, he has tried to objectify his capabilities and competence in political fields as a peacemaker and as a reliable and serious broker and agent in bilateral or multilateral relations; Although in this way, due to structural weakness and material dependence, it has not achieved much success. For example, in the Afghanistan crisis, which is considered one of the most complex and long-lasting international tensions, the United Nations has tried to resolve the issue by issuing many resolutions in most of the sixth and seventh chapters of the United Nations Charter and appointing its special representative and sending them to the center of the crisis. and to play an active role in ending crises. Despite this, in reducing or eliminating the crises that have occurred and even now, the performance of this organization has often been passive, proactive, and non-strategic. For example, in 2001, under the pressure of major powers, this organization recognized the invasion of Afghanistan by the US and NATO coalition. Therefore, the activities of the United Nations in Afghanistan show that the operation of this organization has legitimized the will of the great powers in the occupation and their movements against the opposition of the world. Of course, it cannot be denied that some of the so-called democratic actions of this organization, such as holding and monitoring parliamentary and presidential elections, have shown the positive performance of the United Nations in Afghanistan. In this article, while making sense of the crisis from Michael Brecher's point of view, we will discuss more the performance of the United Nations in solving the Afghanistan crisis. This article is written by stating the question, what is the function of the United Nations in the process of solving the Afghan crisis? We implemented and moved forward. In this way, by examining the role and performance of the United Nations as the most influential international organization in the arena of the international system, we examined the duties and performance of the three influential pillars of this organization in the process of resolving the Afghan crisis and the measures that each pillar takes in reducing or reducing the crisis as the keyword of crisis management. He has done in Afghanistan in the years 1947 to 2021. Actions that during a period of time led to the reduction, confrontation and empowerment, and reconstruction of Afghanistan through legal measures (with resolutions under the sixth and seventh chapters of the Charter), diplomatic and political measures (through the activities of the Secretary-General and its special representative) and institution building (monitoring the implementation of resolutions and actions) and these actions were further realized through cooperation with other regional organizations such as the European Union and NATO and the supervision of the United Nations. Among them, it is possible to evaluate the role of the United Nations as constructive, effective, decisive, and active in terms of financial, political, planning, and management of the various periods of presidential, assembly, and provincial council elections. Despite this, the Afghan crisis has continued due to the structural and substantive weakness that has been repeatedly repeated by the member governments and various secretaries-general in this organization. In such way that the existential philosophy of this organization was based on the multipolar system, but during the cold war, this organization was a bipolar system and at the end of the cold war, it was practically dominated by a superpower, which is not only in contradiction with the existential philosophy of this organization, which is currently It has become the most important problem of the United Nations. Also, the fact that the five great powers have the right to veto and its illegal use and abuse are evident in the continuation of the Afghan crisis. For example, the Soviet Union vetoed several resolutions condemning and immediately withdrawing its army from Afghanistan. As another permanent member of the Security Council, with its support for Pakistan, China has considered the crises formed and highlighted in Afghanistan as an internal matter and has continued this situation until now. Also, the United States of America, which is one of the main members of the United Nations Security Council, has repeatedly abused its membership privilege in the Security Council. The issuance of a resolution by the Security Council in 2001 regarding the attack on Afghanistan by the military forces of the United States and its allies (NATO) and the occupation of this country for a period of twenty years is one of the examples of the weakness and structural problems and the substantive dependence of this organization in solving crises, including the Afghan crisis.

Oman’s foreign policy during the last five decades has been in line with peaceful approach, neutrality and mediation in some of the crisis of the Persian Gulf region. The main question of this article is that, what impact will the death of Sultan Qaboose have, on the foreign policy of Oman in the Persian Gulf and Middle East region? The hypothesis of this article, which is done, based on the descriptive – analytical way of research, is that, following the death of Sultan Qaboos and the reaching to thrown of Sultan Haitham bin Tariq, meaningful changes will not take place in the main strategies of the foreign policy of this country, but we will witness some changes in diplomatic procedures and tactics. Findings show that the political and cultural structure of Oman and the position of this country in the regional and global politics and the admirable legacy that the late Sulatn Qaboos left inside and outside the county, will cause the new Sultan to continue the current foreign policy of Oman, which is based on positive neutrality. At the same time, he will try to adopt special tactics and innovations to show his own special personality to his own nation and to the region. This important point probably will cause some differences in the way of foreign policy, in comparison to the previous Sultan.