رشید جعفرپور

The failure of ISIS' Jihad Fatah strategy caused a new terrorist strategy to be placed on the agenda of Islamic fundamentalists, based on which a new organizational structure is formulated according to the intelligence elites of the rivals. This issue has caused the speeding up of attacks, the secret nature of these attacks, the use of virtual layers of internet communication, membership and internet operations, and the ability of security organizations to deal with these groups has greatly decreased. In recent years, extremism, fundamentalism, and terrorism have spread throughout the ideological spectrum with a "post-organizational" process, and in this process, with the increase of online activities, the membership and support of specific groups have become more ambiguous, and the growth of transnational movements has flowed more fluidly. Terrorist attacks are carried out by people who have no clear connection with identified organizations; But a similar method and common ideology can be seen in all of them. With the assumption that extremism will spread in the form of "post-organizationalism" in the coming years, this article aims to answer the question of what are the components, variables and structure of modern terrorism based on post-organizationalism. The purpose of this article is to analyze the strategies and virtual functions of post-organizational fundamentalism as the fourth generation of Islamic fundamentalism using the explanatory method.

Culture and identity are an integral part of the life of every human being and society and distinguish them from other human beings and societies and on the other hand, connect human beings and societies with each other. It is not possible to define any human being or society outside of culture and identity. It can be said that if a person or a society behaves outside of its cultural and identity frameworks, it is called cultural alienation. In other words, culture and identity are intertwined with the "self and existence" of every human being or society, which in the state of "alienation" of human beings and society is far from its original truth. Creating such a situation in real (non-virtual) space is slow and slow, but in cyberspace, due to the easy access of individuals and communities to the masses of opposing identities and cultures, the intensity of identity and cultural changes has become much faster. In the present era, due to the expansion of cyberspace for all generations, the phenomenon of "identity and cultural alienation" is growing rapidly. This article intends to raise theoretical issues in the field of "cyberspace", "alienation" and "identity and culture" by focusing on the speed of impact of cyberspace on the "harms and threats" of this space on culture and identity at the micro level. "The young generation of Iranian society" and at the macro level of "Iranian-Islamic society" with a theoretical and pathological approach.

The war of the Ba'athist regime in Iraq against Iran is an important and prominent period in the contemporary history of Iran. This war was complicated due to its length, special circumstances of the two sides and the situation of the international system at the time of its occurrence. Various civilian organizations have played a role in Iran. This article analyzes the performance of the Ministry of Culture and Higher Education in helping and supporting the war in the historical period from 1980 to 1988. The main method of historical research is documentary and thematic analysis using first hand documents and sources. And the second and the narration of informants and managers of the Ministry of Culture and Higher Education. This study shows that the Ministry of Culture and Higher Education during the imposed war important measures such as implementing the university plan on the front, providing facilities for continuing education of war-torn areas, providing and sending academics To the battlefields, the strength of university buildings against bombardment, the reconstruction of destroyed university buildings, legal action against combat students, conducting scientific research required for war, and the formulation of rules and regulations for examinations and examinations. Ume has studied militant students

The presidential election plays an important role in strengthening the people's connection with the future of the country. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, with the presidential election, the second executive position of the country has been elected for 4 years and the election of each person at this level will play a decisive role on the various executive levels of the country. In the run-up to the 13th presidential election, various political currents are seeking to nominate a candidate on the campaign scene. Due to the importance of this period of the presidential election, researchers study the political current by trying to examine the possibility of the dominance of political currents. The present article examines the formation of different discourses and tries to present the spectrum of elections with a specific analytical model and explain the patterns of participation based on it. It is assumed that if the candidates of these discourses pass the supervision of the Guardian Council and the effective components of the international system do not change significantly, the presence of the discourse of political and social currents based on three discourses with specific sub-discourses will play a role in election staging. The question is, what are the scenarios of discourse competition in the upcoming elections and what effect will they have on people's voting behavior? The method of analysis in this paper will be the method of discourse. In collecting data, library and documentary sources as well as reliable internet sources have been used.

The twentieth century revolutions usually tended towards two main theoretical currents. Namely liberalism and socialism, and benefited from their principles. Islamic revolution both theoretically and practically not only didn’t belong to these two intellectual dispositions, but rather it was formed as an independent pathway which was based on Islamic thought and school and after establishment made its main slogan (( Neither East nor West)). The difference between this revolution and other revolutions, in addition to leadership, slogans, theoretical school and supports must be sought in selection and utilization of the type of media in messaging. Based on various reasons imam Khomeini chose ((pulpit media)) with the focus on mosques and tekyehs as the main media of the revolution. This article tries to show that why the pulpit media was chosen as the main media of the revolution? The results of the article show that influencing factors in choice of pulpit media for Islamic revolution in its massaging process include: the nature of revolution’s leadership, the goals of the revolutionary forces, the nature of pulpits, prohibition of the use of various media by revolutionaries , the nature of Iranian society during revolution and functions of the pulpit(adaptation, achieving the goal, integration, consistency, stability). The research method of this article is a descriptive_analytical one with structural functional approach and uses communicative pattern. The Islamic Revolution, Media, Pulpit, Preachers, People, Communication Model, Structural Functional

The main inquiry of this article is to find out what factors have been influential in the stability or instability of political coalitions during the era of Islamic republic of Iran. In a general study of socio-political developments in the era of Islamic republic of Iran, a kind of instability is generally witnessed in the relations and interactions among the political elites, activists, groups and associations. Instabilities during the first decade after revolution can be analyzed based on conditions such as the fledgling revolutionary society as well as the imposed war. However during the second and third decade conditions changed. During these decades coalitions formed among the revolutionary and Islamist groups ruptures giving birth to new groupings and coalitions with new characteristics.

Achieving a model for the analysis and comparison of the political culture of Iran requires the study and examination of the system, procedure and policymaking in the social and political process. Iran, having had periods of ups and downs, has provided its people a lot of experiences. Despite of the existing structures of political participation, political culture in the second Pahalvi era has not developed a lot, due to the weakness of the political culture. Through the victory of the Islamic revolution, good grounds and structures were provided for achieving the participative political culture.This paper has made comparisons through the historical-comparative method based on Almond’s theory of political culture(with some modifications) and has concluded that, after the Islamic revolution, the share of the participative political culture has been more than other kinds and the development in Iranians’ political culture is remarkable.

Trust is one of the main components of social capital is a political system. Establishing an atmosphere of trust between government and citizens interact with their better efficiency and increased political participation & performance of political institutions. In contrast, the loss of confidence led to a lack of support from the public authorities, non-compliance with laws and regulations (unless forced), not to support government programs, reduce political participation, spreading distrust of government institutions and in severe cases legitimacy crisis. Seems Origins and background of political political mistrust in Iranian society in the course of Pahlavi is connected to one side of the political culture and on the other hand to how political institutions function and output. Therefore, to investigate the origins and backgrounds of the two theories can be used؛ Cultural theories & Institutional theories. Accordingly, consequential political culture, position of the Shia Ideology near of the Iranian community, regime’s fight with the ideology in ancient and modern extremist ideology has provided the field of political distrust. The structure and function system of government, authoritarian structure in the form of a personal decision, adducentarchy, militarism and a climate of fear and lack of democratic participation can be found. The presence of foreign domination and rule, relationship of governing elite with them at Pahlavi era, economic corruption of court, state modernization and versatility, political move towards a totalitarian state also provided the groundwork for the establishment and strengthening of political distrust.

The transmission of values, norms and beliefs from one generation to another and the effort to protect values against the waves of a nonindigenous culture is one of the main concerns and functions of cultural authorities in every society. In fact, cultural institutions work, while safeguarding the tested intra-cultural methods, to keep those methodsdynamic and up-to-date. Among the wide range of such tools and agents, including family, school, university, media etc., pulpit and sermon, with its long history and religious character, can play a significant role in this regard. During the time of the struggles which led to the victory of Islamic Revolution, this media acted as the communication channel between the masses and the clergy and continued this task during the period of ImposedWar. However, following the end of the war, the cultural atmosphere of the society was influenced by the extensive cultural waves of the West and targeted the third generation of revolution. Therefore, now in the fourth decade after the revolution, pulpit, as one of the agents of socialization process, has a role and tasks different from the past.