روح الله اسلامی

Literature, particularly the novel, offers a suitable platform for reflecting on and critiquing social and cultural issues. In Afghanistan, violence against women stems not only from political crises and wars but also from patriarchal structures, cultural and economic poverty, and weak support systems. This violence is systematically and institutionally reproduced across various dimensions of women's daily lives and within different layers of society. Afghan women writers in the 1390s (Solar Hijri) utilized the narrative capacities of the novel to expose various forms of structural violence against women, thereby shaping a critical discourse surrounding power inequalities between women and men. This study aims to investigate and analyze the representation of six types of structural violence—psychological, physical, economic, social, sexual, and legal—in two contemporary women's novels: The Brightness of Ashes by Zahra Yeganeh and Let Me Write for You by Nahid Mehrgan. The theoretical framework of this article is Kate Millett's "Sexual Politics" theory, which, through a structural analysis of gender relations, considers violence an instrument for perpetuating male dominance. The present research employs a qualitative content analysis method with a purposeful sampling method. Findings suggest that psychological violence is the most prevalent form of violence in both novels, and the representation of violence occurs through structures such as tradition, family, religion, and law. These representations have led to the creation of characters who react to dominance, some through resistance and others through acceptance. Contemporary women's literature not only exposes gender inequalities but also, by raising awareness, paves the way for social transformation.

Higher education in different societies has been receiving serious attention in order to provide expert and capable human resources and closely related to the discussion of development, and therefore requires correct and efficient policy making in this field. Our attempt in this article is to analyze the policy cycle of higher education in post-revolutionary Iran and examine the success or failure of this system. the main question of the article is what is the policy cycle of higher education in Iran and what have been the positive and negative achievements of these policies? The findings of the research indicate that educational policy making in Iran has a centralized, top-down, idealistic and ideology-oriented process in the design phase and has fundamental weaknesses in the implementation phase. Quantitative growth of universities and increase in literate population of the country, increase of educated women, establishment of Azad University and non-government universities, establishment of Payam Noor University and distance education as well as establishment of international universities are among the positive achievements of the education policy system. It has been great in Iran. the lack of independence of universities, the disproportion between the quantitative and qualitative growth of universities, the lack of active public sphere to express the opinions of stakeholders and academic experts, the prevalence of degree orientation, the incompatibility of academic disciplines with the needs of society and the labor market and The large number of unemployed academics is one of the inefficiencies of the higher education policy system in the country.

The appraisal of studies on the social issue of law in Iran indicates that these studies are based on the formal validity of the law in the legal system and expect its normative validity and empirical validity to be normal. These studies understand the law as a tool of social reform based on the will of the legislator and often by adopting Durkheim's pathological approach and under interpretations such as anomie (abnormality) the negative aspect of the rule of law (i.e. lawlessness ) as a "social issue" and introduced the problems of two levels of law-making and enforcement as an independent variable (under the title of political factor or legal factor) among the factors of this social phenomenon and unintentionally they have ignored the necessity for the law to be emerged from the collective conscience and also the connection of social control mechanisms of Iranian society. This article argues from the perspective of Durkheim's sociology of law that the establishment of codified law in the process of social change is done based on the links created in the history of the society and on this basis it tries to outline the changes in the social context of law in two periods before and after the constitutional revolution in Iran. the achievement of this article is descriptive and exploratory which can provide an opportunity for future researches to do research from the standpoint of social health.

The aim of this research is to understand and explain the reasons behind the use of conceptual metaphors in various domains of politics, which is a manifestation of the public sphere, through the provision of the theoretical model of George Lakoff and Mark Johnson. The essence of politics is connected to action and is composed of two premises: command and obedience, and friend and enemy. Its ultimate goal is inevitably a specific and attainable objective, namely the protection of society and victory in war and politics. Thus, the cognitive process and conceptualization of politics are invoked through the category of war. The primary question is: What conceptual metaphors underpin the conceptualization of politics in Homer’s Iliad? By categorizing eight domains—attack, defense, retreat, maneuver, counterattack, stalemate, truce, and defeat/victory—the findings of the research show that conceptual metaphors, based on the sensory-motor approach and stemming from the embodied mind, can be conceptualized into two components: 'action' (war) as the essence of politics and 'rhetoric.' In this way, the conceptual domain of politics (target) is understood in terms of the conceptual domain of war (source).

Historical narratives find meaning within the philosophical paradigms of each period. One of the egalitarian movements in the history of Iran is called the Mazdak revolutionary movement. This movement led by Mazdak Nami took place during the reign of Ghobad, one of the Sassanid kings. Regarding the way of looking at this movement, two conflicting narratives are evident. Mazdak movement has been denounced and cursed on the one hand, and its movement has been respected and admired from the other hand. In response to the reasons of these narratives, this article claims that there are different paradigms describing the reasons for this conflict. Therefore, this study seeks to understand the conflicting perceptions of this movement by using the method of understanding and by analyzing the paradigms governing each of these narrations. The results indicate that the narrative that condemns the Mazdak movement is governed by the theoretical paradigm of "Shah-Ra'it" assuming the legitimacy of the monarchy and the system of shortcomings and the naturalness of the passive position of the people against the political system. And the "citizenship-rights" paradigm, in which people have full rights to protest, participate, and express their demands even subversively before the government, is a source of respect and admiration for the Mazdak movement.

In this article, the negotiation style of this country is examined in contemporary history, focusing on the historical context of JCPOA negotiations. This category is evaluated in the framework of "the spirit of negotiations" in the sense that diplomatic negotiations in addition to concrete examples; It also follows a not-so-obvious and hidden format, which may not be visible and touchable, but in the end, it dominates the entire body of negotiations and plays a pivotal role. Therefore, the problem of the research is the analysis of the spirit of the laws or the fundamental rules that govern the negotiations of Iranians in national issues, and the question of the present article is whether there is a rule that governs the sensitive and national negotiations of Iranians in the international environment? What style of negotiations did the Iranians follow and what was the spirit of the rules governing the negotiations? The present research is trying to analyze the spirit of the negotiations leading to the JCPOA and the period after it in the aforementioned framework and examine the causes of its failure and success in different periods of time and based on multiple variables

Being among the world's biggest debtors in the 1980s, Brazil made progress and developed at an unparalleled pace since the mid-1990s with economic reforms. This article aims to examine the Brazilian trade policy process and its relation with Iran. By applying the theory of complex interdependence, it was found that while abandoning the tradition of protectionism and the tendency to integrate into the global geo-economy, it diversified its partners in the form of trade agreements, reduced reliance on Mercosur, strengthened The entry of foreign capital and the presence of Brazilian investors oversees, trade multilateralism, the reduction of tariff rates and non-tariff barriers; On the other hand, the necessity of concluding preferential and especially free trade agreements between Iran and Brazil, creating export capacity due to the complementarity of the economies of the two countries, as well as overcoming challenges such as tariff rates and cooperation in the direction of multilateralism in the form of institutions such as BRICS, are opportunities that could shape Iranian trade policy towards Brazil.

This research has tried to verify the necessity and how to establish a student parliament by emphasizing the link between student organizations and social participation. The current damage of student organizations has hindered the growth and expansion of social participation in the university and consequently in the society. The basic question of the article is that what are the existing harms of student organizations and with what indicators and features can the student parliament be implemented? According to the theory and method of institutionalism, the harms of student organizations include failure to provide a suitable model for practicing social participation, weakness in extra-organizational communication, lack of synergism of information and preferences, lack of institutionalization in line with collective participation, disruption of the mission of organizations, inadequacy of regulations in promoting collective awareness. And it is inefficiency in systematic participation and providing collective goals. The way out of this situation is to create a student parliament in the university. Various organizations will gather in it and it is a suitable platform for the growth and expansion of social participation in the university and consequently in the society. In the student parliament, students with different orientations and origins come together to establish communication and solidarity among students, as well as between students and university officials. The student parliament provides a forum where student representatives are divided into specialized commissions and make proposals, discuss and exchange opinions on important issues. Therefore, the student parliament can be an effective institution for pursuing student interests.

In this article, an attempt has been made to explain the governance of AI based on the perspective of political phenomenologists with Morrow's interpretive approach and theoretical framework. The main question is: How does political phenomenology provide insights into the concept of AI governance? According to the hypothesis, the phenomenology of AI governance has a mathematical and positivist rationality. The results of the research also show that political phenomenologists refer to mathematical systems in the process of forming the rule of artificial intelligence; the formal systems of mathematics that create the mathematical world cause the mathematization of the life-world and its political horizon; and finally, the sovereignty of AI emerges. This process is not related to the philosophical development of existence and human freedom, and it is a kind of forgetting the life-world and is in conflict with the human meaning of phenomenology. They consider this process to be the cause of the attenuation of ancient virtues and the distortion of political action in the sense of the political space of the city-state, and while adopting a cosmic vision, anti-modernism mainly shows its dependence on the virtues and rights and natural law of pre-modern political systems against the modern systems of the mathematical world.

This article is an attempt to understand the transformation of the perceptual space of Iranian society through the medium of cinema (a case study of the movie City of Rats One and Two). The perceptual atmosphere of Iranian society has undergone transformations in the field of political thinking and politics in the decades after the revolution. A transformation that can be referred to as the transition from the politics of liberation to the politics of life. By reviewing, developing, restricting and limiting the opinions of Anthony Giddens and Alan Thorn, we will clarify the concept of the politics of liberation and the politics of life in political literature. And then, on two levels, firstly, the internal analysis of two films, City of Rats One and Two, with the method of analyzing the narrative of Grimas, and secondly, the external analysis of the film, we will deal with the relationship between the film and the socio-political atmosphere of our time. The results of the surveys show that "The City of Rats One in the 60s" in the form of liberation politics and "The City of Two Rats in the 90s" in the form of life policy have devoted efforts to rebuilding the social world of their time.

This study examines how ideological frameworks have shaped Afghanistan’s educational policies over the past century. The influence of ruling ideologies on education is common, but in Afghanistan, this process has undergone significant transformations. The primary research question explores the ideological mechanisms and their effects on educational policies. We hypothesize that dominant ideologies played a decisive role in shaping these policies. Findings indicate that four distinct ideological mechanisms have influenced educational policies: secular nationalism under Amanullah Khan, communist ideologies during Soviet rule, religious orthodoxy under the Taliban, and liberal democracy post-2001. Each era reflects broader struggles over national identity and state legitimacy, with education serving as a battleground for competing ideologies.

This article examines the four dominant intellectual paradigms in the contemporary history of Iran, from the dominant paradigm in the constitutional period until now. The dominant paradigms in each period, intellectuals of that paradigm, time period, intellectual foundations, achievements and pathology of each paradigm have been studied. The theoretical framework used in this article is paradigm and interpretative hermeneutics is also used as a method in this article. . In the article, four main intellectual currents in Iran have been examined since the constitution until now, and each of the currents has been analyzed in relation to science.Based on the classification made and the theoretical framework used in the article, the findings are that with the disappearance of the scientific approach, pseudo-scientific paradigms and anti-science narratives, i.e. critical, understanding and phenomenological left And finally, postmodernism and poststructuralism replaced the first paradigm, and the opportunity to present scientific and positivist paradigms was not provided in Iran's political thought. As a result, this caused the destruction of the continuity of rationality in Iran.

One of the conditions of the Iranian community was the invasion of the Mongols to the Iranian community and breaking the theoretical and political components of the Iranian community. The massacres, looting, rape, destruction of the heritage disappeared in the invasion of the clan desert tribes. Elites such as Sa'di, Hafiz, Obeid, Jowney and Khajeh Nasir tried to rescue the country intellectually and culturally in different ways, although the political and economic structure had collapsed. Persian language and the use of narratives of political philosophy were one way to preserve the achievements of Iranian thought. Obeid Zakani critic and satirist, in a treatise titled akhlagh al-ashraf, have shown that the path to the political wisdom of Farabi, Abu Ali Sina and Ferdowsi has gone astray. While the tradition of Iranian wisdom followed the creation of the utopia and the emergence of the wisdom Shah in order to regulate the conditions of the Iranians, all classes and ethics were suddenly shaken. The elites and aristocrats were destroyed and Obeid Zakani, in his treatise with the language of satire, in the narrative of political wisdom tried to show the inversion of the aristocratic ethics in the form of the conversion of the virtuous regime to the obsolete religion and the ignorant regime to the curent religion. This research focuses on the inversion of political philosophy in the book of akhlagh al-ashraf of Obeid Zakani the based on the interpretive approach of Leo Strauss.

Paradigms are common semantic patterns that guide the kind of attitude towards the world and social practices. Tradition, Modernism and Postmodernism are often used to refer to intellectual developments in the foundations and assumptions as well as the consequences of thought-making throughout history. One of the most important principles of this paradigm division is the analysis of the ratio of structure to broker and their interaction and interaction. In particular, it seems that the ratio of structure and agent in contemporary thought has become much more complex than the dual-division and inherently common and conventional as poststructuralist thinkers or postmodern inspiring thinkers like Jacques Lacan have advanced their discussions using the unconscious conception of man as a structure based on language. On the other hand, classifiable thinkers in the modern approach such as Louis Althusser, with their structuralist viewpoint, have provided the grounds for doubt in the independent and self-founded identity of the subject. In this article, by focusing on a reading of Althusser's and Lacan's views, some of the similarities of their viewpoint and its consequences on the relation between the subject and authority are discussed. The findings of the study indicate that in the process of developing the subject in the context of language and ideology and in relation to social structures, with all the fluctuations and ups and upheavals, the subject does not die and the power along with its repressive and limiting aspect also builds the subject. Therefore, in Althusser's thought, along with many similarities with Lacan's thought, the authority is more important and in Lacan's attitude, the subject has more possibilities to escape from authority. So Althusser has considered the subject under it by discussing ideology, although from his point of view in the field of ideology, there is also the possibility of forming resistance centers. In addition, Lacan also considers language as a dominant structure of the subject that directs its actions, but is affected by the transformation of the political in his view, a kind of situation of impulsivity and evasion from authority in the subject.
 

For centuries, mankind had forgotten an important subject called women, who make up half of the human population, and it was feminists who recalled this great loss. Women have no place in politics and even in the 21st century they have little place in politics and leadership of societies. What seems natural, that is, the migration of women to the private sphere and the underworld and turning them into unequal beings who, with much effort, gain only a few rights, is the great silence of history, and these have been challenged by feminists. Is. Ecofeminists, as a branch of feminist, have the same principles and views of classical feminists, but with the difference that they address the demands of women in the context of environmental principles. Ecofeminists seek to change people's attitudes toward nature and women, so they are the product of the third wave of feminist theory in terms of both theoretical framework and methodology. Emphasizing environmental ideas and the coexistence of nature and women, this article will explain ecofeminist attitudes in international relations and the impact of ecological and environmental-oriented attitudes on the evolution and change in the field of international relations. Will review international treaties.

With their resurgence in Afghanistan, the Taliban has adopted the term "Islamic Emirate" instead of "Islamic State." After capturing Kabul, the Taliban formally introduced their interim government and requested the United Nations to recognize their representation. The Taliban regime, which can be described as an "Ethnic-Religious Leviathan," does not adhere to the conventional norms of legitimacy in international law. Instead, it bases its principles on "Hanafi jurisprudence," "Pashtunwali customs," and the "Loya Jirga tradition," none of which align with international standards of legitimacy. These principles, characterized by ethnic nationalism, patriarchy, and the fusion of political and religious despotism, are incompatible with the modern state's elements, such as authority, legitimacy, sovereignty, territory, centralized power, and a constitution.The concept of Leviathan, introduced in Thomas Hobbes' political philosophy, is a significant theory concerning sovereignty and political systems. It is based on a social contract where individuals surrender their decision-making rights to a centralized government. According to Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson, the balance of power between the state and society is crucial in determining the type of Leviathan. This balance may result in different forms of Leviathan: a despotic Leviathan where the state is strong, and society is weak; an absent Leviathan where both the state and government institutions are weak; a constrained Leviathan where the state and society are balanced and interact; and a paper Leviathan where both the state and society are weak. In each type of Leviathan, norms play a crucial role in shaping government behavior and actions. In comparison to Leviathan, the Taliban’s Islamic Emirate can be seen as a blend of a despotic Leviathan and a paper Leviathan. In this structure, the Taliban government is strong and authoritarian, but its inability to resolve conflicts, enforce laws, and provide public services leads to a weakened society. This situation restricts individual and social freedoms and places society under the heavy control of the government, with no opportunity for effective political participation. Additionally, exploitative economic institutions in this type of government eliminate incentives for progress and innovation, leading to social instability and weakness. Considering these factors, the Taliban Leviathan can be seen as a combination of both despotic and paper Leviathan types. The paper Leviathan lacks the ability to resolve conflicts, enforce laws, and provide public services, rendering both the state and society weak. At the same time, it constantly fears mobilization from society, which could threaten the stability of its control. In this type of Leviathan, freedom is ultimately thwarted.According to Quentin Skinner’s perspective, understanding the Taliban’s ideology and actions requires reconstructing both their practical and ideological contexts, aiming to clarify what the Taliban intends to achieve. A hermeneutic analysis of the Taliban's actions and the political environment in their Islamic Emirate necessitates examining their ideological foundations, customary norms, their political actions, the development or transformation of their ideology, and finally, the relationship between ideology and political action. The ideological crisis in Afghanistan stems from the lack of indigenous forces for national and political independence. As a country with ethnic, linguistic, and religious diversity, Afghanistan has long faced identity problems. The state's, system's, and nation’s identity in Afghanistan have always been ambiguous and unstable. This identity crisis has been exacerbated by the dominance of tribal culture, which conflicts with modernity and inter-ethnic culture. In this context, the Taliban, as a group with a specific ideology, has been influenced by Hanafi jurisprudence, Pashtunwali customs, and the Loya Jirga tradition. Talibanism emerged as a reaction to the inefficiency of the Jihadist government and ethnic fragmentation, attempting to strengthen its legitimacy among the Afghan people by ensuring security.The Taliban's political actions are based on Hanafi jurisprudence, Pashtunwali customs, and the Loya Jirga tradition. After the 2001 US invasion and the subsequent fall of their government, the Taliban resorted to guerrilla warfare. Through reorganization and alliances with groups like al-Qaeda, they managed to regain control over various regions and gradually became a significant political power in Afghanistan. However, the Taliban's political actions have consistently been characterized by totalitarianism and exclusivity, which has deepened ethnic and racial divisions in Afghanistan. In forming their ideology, the Taliban collaborated with fundamentalist and reactionary groups, adopting norms from Hanafi culture as their political ideology. Over time, this ideology has evolved under the influence of global and regional developments, particularly after the deaths of the Taliban’s original leaders and the emergence of new ones. The group has attempted to adapt its ideology to new global and local challenges. Global events like the September 11 attacks and the US wars in Afghanistan also played a role in these ideological shifts.As an Islamic movement, the Taliban has intertwined its ideology with political actions. By adhering to Islamic principles and Sharia law, the group seeks to reshape Afghanistan's social and political structures in line with its ideology. The connection between the Taliban's ideology and political action has enabled them to dominate the Afghan people and implement their policies using ideological power. The Taliban's conservative ideology, emphasizing the enforcement of Islamic limits and a particular interpretation of Sharia, serves as the foundation of their governance and helps them reconstruct Afghanistan's social and political systems according to their ideological vision. This analysis shows that the Taliban has not only used its ideology but also its political and military actions to establish a prominent position in AfghanThe comparison between the Leviathan theory and the Islamic Emirate of the Taliban reveals that each of these concepts possesses unique characteristics in areas such as sovereignty, state formation, and political systems. This analysis not only enhances the understanding of philosophical and political concepts but also sheds light on the challenges and opportunities emerging in different contexts. With the collapse of the Afghan government and the ensuing panic among the people, there are growing concerns that with the rise of the Taliban, Afghanistan might revert to a pre-modern era, where women would be confined to their homes, girls would be denied education, men would be forced to comply with Sharia law, and the Taliban-controlled media would lack freedom. Moreover, the public fears that any Afghan citizen who collaborated with the previous government or the United States might face severe punishment if discovered by the Taliban. In essence, it can be said that the state-building process appears to be moving in reverse, leading to a breakdown of order. However, the Taliban has denied all these claims in conferences, asserting that they have no intention of reinstating previous policies and that their objective is to assist the people and promote the progress and development of Afghanistan. This is a question that cannot be answered definitively at this time; it remains to be seen what the outcomes of the Taliban's Islamic governance in Afghanistan will be. Nevertheless, given the internal and regional circumstances, the future of the Taliban government remains uncertain. Domestically, the issue of governing a fragmented society persists, and the Taliban's Leviathan, in addition to maintaining stability, faces multiple and diverse demands from Afghanistan's youthful and sectarian society. Consequently, the Taliban will inevitably need to adopt a more inclusive approach, which will require developing a coherent theory of governance and appropriate mechanisms. However, it must be acknowledged that the process of forming a strong and stable state is still in its early stages, as the Taliban's Islamic Emirate is highly dependent on developmental assistance and de jure recognition on the global stage to carry out the typical functions of a sustainable government.

The years 1919 to 1929 in Afghanistan witnessed a clash between deep-rooted traditions and the alluring, yet disturbing forces of modernity. The developments that took place in the West under the name of modernity in different areas of the life left significant consequences on other parts of the world and Afghanistan was also affected by the scope of these waves in different periods. The deep roots of traditions in Afghanistan and the senselessness of new developments have led to the confrontation of modern values ​​with long-standing and deep-rooted traditions in the uneven cultural context of Afghan society. The penetration of modernity into Afghanistan, which took place through political and cultural elites, commercial and cultural exchange with the West, brought complex and numerous consequences. In a country with a rich cultural background and deep-rooted traditions, this confrontation has been accompanied by challenges and contradictions that have manifested in various political, social, economic and cultural fields.The central values ​​of modernity, such as rationality, individualism, secularism are against the traditional values ​​of the Afghan society, traditions based on religion, ethnicity, collectivism and obedience to hierarchical structures. This conflict has led to tensions and resistances against the developments of modernity, especially among the religious and traditional strata of the society.

Research question: 

What are the results of the dialectic of tradition and modernity in Afghanistan's political thought and what currents have emerged around it?Research hypothesis: The introduction and implementation of modern political thought in Afghanistan has not been able to be effectively integrated with existing traditional values and practices. This lack of integration has created a sharp gap between the modernist and traditionalist segments of Afghan society and has prevented the development of a coherent and sustainable political model.

Methodology and theoretical framework: 

Qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach are used in this article. The data analysis has been conducted using Quentin Skinner's hermeneutic method.

The period of Amanullah Khan's rule (1929-1919) in Afghanistan witnessed a deep confrontation between tradition and modernity. Amanullah Khan, who was influenced by the modernist ideas of the West, started extensive reforms in various fields. The approval of the constitution, separation of powers, and attention to education, press freedom and women's rights are among the important achievements of this period. Reforms in Afghanistan faced serious challenges due to several factors, including neglect of national and religious values, obvious imitation of Western models, focus on superficial improvements and acceleration in the implementation of changes.Ignoring the deeply rooted national and religious values ​​of the society created a deep gap between the people and the reform programs. Many of the proposed changes were seen as a threat to tradition and angered the masses and conservative factions. Attempting to modernize only with inspiration from western models, without considering the unique cultural and social context of Afghanistan, created a sense of alienation and resistance among the people. This uncritical imitation turned the reforms into external impositions and not internal developments that the people would consider as their own.Focusing too much on the appearances of progress, such as modern infrastructure and Western institutions, was not enough without bringing about deeper changes at the intellectual and cultural level. This superficial approach cannot communicate with people’s real needs and values ​​and involve them meaningfully.The high speed of implementation of reforms, regardless of traditional values ​​and beliefs, aroused the conservative forces. The lack of gradual transition and consensus building led to significant backsliding and social unrest. The lack of constructive and scientific dialogue between modernists and traditionalists fueled the escalation of tensions and conflicts. Finally, this confrontation led to the coup of Habibullah Kalkani and the overthrow of Amanullah Khan. With the closure of the constitutional case, Afghanistan once again fell into the abyss of traditionalism and isolation. This retreat demonstrated the difficulty of reconciling rapid modernization with deeply rooted traditions and left Afghanistan at a crossroads.

The research findings show that there was no effective intellectual debate between traditionalists and intellectuals during this period. The modernists presented their political thoughts without constructive dialogue and debate with traditionalists. The dominant view between these currents was hostile, and as a result, the internal model was not formed and the Afghan society remained in two parts, the traditionalists and the modernist. In Afghanistan, unlike countries in the region such as Iran and Türkiye, constitutionalism and modernism were not in the form of a comprehensive social thought, but rather as a topic of discussion in small intellectual groups that did not go beyond the circle of the court and courtiers and did not penetrate among the elites of the society. The conflict between tradition and modernity played a major role in the failure of modernism in this period. Since the modernists sought to create rapid socio-cultural and political changes and failed to transform the idea of constitutionalism into a social discourse, the deep-rooted traditions of the Afghan society resisted such sudden changes. The lack of deep intellectual debate between the proponents of tradition and modernists of the Hegelian dialectic type and even the dialogue and debate based on the Habermasian dialectic caused the failure of the constitutionalism process in this period. The type of confrontation between tradition and modernity in this era was superficial, hostile and antagonistic and its violent result not only led to the failure of constitutionalism and Amani's reforms, rather it led to the failure of his government and as a result, the case of modernists and constitutionalists was closed in the country for a long time.

Depicting the relationship between religion and modernity in the changing world  caused by the modern crashing waves, which sweep away all religious values and beliefs at a high speed, has been one of the tasks of the new religious thinkers. This trend has always tried to provide an up-to-date reading of religion by re-reading religious propositions in accordance with the evolving conditions caused by modern affairs. "Mehdi Bazargan" and "Ali Shariati" are two Iranian modern thinkers who have tried to determine the position of the religious subject in the new era based on the reinterpretation of traditional foundations in interaction with the new era. Using two narratives of authoritarianism and dialogue-centered relationship between subject and authority as a theoretical approach and qualitative content analysis method, this article has examined and explored the opinions of Bazargan and Shariati. The findings of this research indicate that the method of each of them had differences from another method; Concerned about providing a definition of traditional religious foundations that is compatible with the modern world, Bazargan tried to provide more space for the subject. On the other hand, Shariati, by emphasizing an ideological reading of Shi'ism, aimed to remove the subject from the control of traditional authority and emphasize her humanity even while remaining loyal to traditional teachings.

This study investigates the interaction of Afghan governments over the past century with the Persian language as a language of culture, civilization, and interaction among the people of Afghanistan. The study aims to answer the question of how Afghan rulers, as custodians of the Persian language, have interacted with Persians and why they have chosen the policy of Persian language removal. This study is conducted based on the theoretical framework of language ideology and the theoretical politics of Althusser. From Althusser's perspective, ideology is presented as a linguistic and structural set and is referred to as a system of ideas through which people shape their life experiences in the structural world. This study employs a sociological, epistemological and historical approach. The research findings, based on historical data, indicate that the link between the policies of Afghan governments and the Persian language was initially inevitable due to seeking refuge in the shadow of the Persian language. However, after the formation of power monopolistic thinking in Afghanistan, the Persian language has been perceived as foreign.

Public policy-making means the government in action, that is, what decisions the government makes in public matters, for which groups, with what tools, and what results are obtained from these decisions. Education policymaking means designing and implementing policies that the government uses in the field of education. Education policy in all countries is one of the three policy issues. Education is a socialization device for the government, and for this reason, governments use education as a public good to reproduce legitimacy. In this article, the issue is whether it is possible to organize the policy cycle based on critical theory. The policy cycle has stages such as system input, design, policy implementation and output, and evaluation and feedback. In this article, we try to examine the education policy cycle from a critical perspective by using the critical theories of Jürgen Habermas, Pierre Bourdieu, and Louis Althusser. The findings of the article show that critical theory is an approach that tries to organize a new space for educational policies in terms of public domain, communication wisdom, power fields, and the ideological structure of government. The article is the application of critical theory in the policy cycle of education, which can be used as a basis for future research.

After twenty years, the Taliban regained power for the second time in 2021. The Islamic Emirate must inevitably engage with regional organizations such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) to sustain its governance. Central Asian countries, which are gathered under the umbrella of the SCO, have an influential role in the political developments of Afghanistan. The main question is what impact does the security interaction between the Taliban and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization have on the economy and politics of the Taliban government? The research hypothesis is that the security interaction between the Taliban and the (SCO), through the fight against ISIS as a regional consensus, leads to security, political, and economic convergence between the Taliban and the organization. The findings indicate that the anti-ISIS policy of the Taliban and their fight against drug trafficking provide a basis for security cooperation with the organization. Moreover, the political alignment with China and Russia, who are among the main actors of the organization, stands the Taliban in the anti-unilateralism camp against the United States. The present research has utilized the explanatory method and library-based data collection approach.

Due to such a disjointed situation, the modern subject has not been able to reconstruct the value order of the past, nor has it been fully able to emerge a new semantic order, at least until now. The horrific nature of such conditions has prompted many political thinkers, including Hannah Arendt, to think of a solution and propose an alternative model to solve the crisis of meaning. Although Arendt is loyal to his subjectivity and free action, he avoids falling into an anarchist and self-centered abyss by proposing some aspects. The main question of the present article is that in a world where the previous meaning-giving orders have collapsed or suffered from a crisis of meaning, and at the same time some new views and ideologies have created a deeper crisis with their totalitarianism, what possibilities does Arendt have for intellectual and practical creation, and what normative requirements should he consider in this direction? In response, the article argues that instead of giving originality to nature or a specific nature for man, Arendt considers human beings as situational beings who create their desired meaning in their interaction with others. Regarding the background of the research, it should be noted that Hannah Arendt's thought on the issue of subject and her activism has been reread and interpreted from various perspectives, including Sila Ben Habib (2003), Jürgen Habermas (1977), Willa (1999), Sophie Lewidolet (2018), etc. have investigated this issue.

What has been considered in this article as a novel aspect is the attention to the human condition as the point of support for the subject's action in a situation that can be explained by Gianni Vattimo's view under the concept of hermeneutical nihilism based on the disappearance of metaphysical values and original and transcendent beliefs of the past, in which man achieves a new interpretation of his position in the interaction of the past and the future.

The originality of the subject is interconnected with two principles and is inevitably linked to each other. One is consciousness and the other is action. Arendt pays attention to the human condition and considers it impossible to achieve a correct definition of human nature. According to Arendt, morality cannot be considered as following a series of eternal and eternal rules or principles that are valid for all times and places. On the contrary, ethics should be related to thinking and acting in certain situations that arise from our understanding of our lives and our hope for the future. Arendt sees politics not as an essence or a priori attribute, but as a kind of relationship that occurs in the interaction between human beings. In his view, in the realm of action, man is not completely trapped and subordinate to what he has previously thought in the mental realm, but action, which is the realm of performance, is a sign and manifestation of the unique realities of a particular field and realm, many of whose results and consequences inevitably remain unpredictable and accompanied by danger, and do not submit to determinable and precise calculating requirements. In Arendt's view, in the tradition of Western political philosophy from the beginning, politics was conceived on the basis of the concept of creative labor, not on the concept of free action. By denying and denying Western philosophy from Plato's Republic to Heidegger's existence and time, which focused on death and mortality, Arendt argues for new beginnings in order to save the essence of humanity. In other words, action and even reflection and thinking have inevitable consequences in themselves. For example, thinking in itself is threatening. In his view, action is the most political aspect of human activity and in a sense is his distinctive attribute and characteristic in comparison with other creatures. Arendt's pathological reflection on modern man has been concerned with the loss of the political aspect and dimension of man and its reduction to a mere toiling and struggling being. Arendt's contemplation of judgment, which is based on a combination of the partial (imagination, taste, and common sense) and the general (situationality and spatiality), and at the same time imagination as a prominent feature of the intersubjective subject that helps to transcend the bottleneck of time and space, indicates the adoption of aesthetic arrangements for understanding the world and, as Watimo says, a kind of hermeneutical act to make sense of the inanimate world. In other words, the act of judging in Arendt's view is done by relying on meaning-giving propositions that eliminate meaninglessness and nihilism.

Arendt is one of the thinkers who considers the individual subject in an inevitable and permanent continuity with the other in the public sphere and at the same time considers the support of the subject to prove its position in the field of action. In his thought, the mysterious aspects of the subject are less visible. Also, some stable, extra-temporal, and extra-spatial concepts in thought such as friendship, loyalty to promises, etc. As seen in Jaspers' thinking as common human desires along with attention to context, it seems that Arendt does not pay attention to those concepts because of the emphasis on the situationality of the subject.

Mazdaism, designated as the official religion during the Sasanian era in Iran, encompasses an inner illuminative dimension intricately connected to cosmology and the world's structure on one hand, and individual moral obligations on the other. In the era marked by the mingling of light and darkness, individuals across social classes adhere to their assigned duties, preventing the emergence of chaos, class divisions, and the coveting of others' possessions. These duties manifest hierarchically in the realms of "Menog" and "Getig," forming the focal point of this research. The primary inquiry revolves around unraveling the foundations of the world's structure and individuals' moral responsibilities as outlined in Book Three of Denkard. Additionally, the study delves into the roles of the nation-guardian and followers of Mazdaism in confronting the chaotic deeds of Ahriman. The findings indicate that the world's creator, the guardian of the nation, and its people, united in a fundamental chain, share a singular objective—overcoming Ahriman. This pursuit involves understanding the extent of "Divine Splendor" (Farrah Yazdani) within each individual, serving as a means to repel Ahriman from the inherently pure world.

The art of inscription writing represents a valuable legacy that delves into the political wisdom of Iranians. The content of these inscriptions, as implied by their name, comprises ethical, religious, political, and social admonitions from the elite and statesmen of the time to the sovereign. The epistolary style of the inscriptions paints a portrait of the ideal king and the aspirations of Iranian elites. By considering them as a crystallization of one of the most important forms of wisdom, one can identify a ruler who possesses both Iranian and ancient roots as the ideal king. This paper explores the concepts and structures of Darius the Great's rule by studying the Behistun Inscription. Here, the structures of the ideal ruler in the Behistun Inscription, using the phenomenological method and within the theoretical framework of Parato Elitism, are examined in both the mental and tangible dimensions. It seeks to answer the question: What are the attributes of the ideal ruler in the Behistun Inscription? What characteristics should this ruler possess to be recognized as the ideal sovereign, beyond obtaining the competence of governance?.