سید خدایار مرتضوی

The relationship between the traditional Iranian "Self" and the modern Western "Other" in the political thought of JavadTabatabai is the central issue of this article. Chantal Mouffe's theory has been selected as the theoretical framework, and based on it; this issue and its dimensions are examined. The findings indicated that Tabatabai bases his assumptions on the principle of "Rupture" and, like the German Blumenberg, while giving originality to modernity and its inevitability, adheres to the theory of "Rupture." Then, he pursues the relationship between "Self" and "Other" from the perspective of the encounter between tradition and modernity, and unlike the proponents of tradition, he does not place modernity in contradiction and opposition to "Tradition." Also, unlike the proponents of Western modernity, he does not consider the age of tradition to be over and an obstacle to progress and development. From his point of view, historical continuity and connection with the new world are possible not through tradition-avoidance and imitative tradition-acceptance, nor through the uncritical acceptance of Western modernity, but through the revival of the rational possibilities of tradition in connection with the concepts of the new world. Tabatabai understands the logic of tradition in light of the requirements of the new world, and thus, unlike the proponents of tradition and modernity, he avoids other making the "Self" and "Other" between the two.

For the native people of northern Iran, the organization of the bloody battle of two bulls is called Varzajang. They insist on its continuation under titles such as safeguarding the local game, tradition, preservation of culture, and protection of identity. Although during the last few centuries, this unusual culture has undergone tremendous changes with the transformation of social structures, but its main core, "fighting two bulls", still remains. Recently, some university researchers also emphasized economic dimensions, its development to attract profit and financial income for the host, the attraction of tourism, and social cohesion. Although many tourists and historians in Iran have called this phenomenon a play since the past, but the ideal of the presence of wisdom in individual and social life makes us consider a play beautiful that accepts the equality of actors in its functions. This show, which has a kind of unconventional livelihood, denies half of its actors (women). Our intention to deal with this issue is not to try to bring women into this campaign, but to critically analyze it. Therefore, the central question is that the lack of presence of women in this ceremony indicates what kind of relationships? Therefore, the researcher tried to find an appropriate answer to the above questions with the bio-experiment among the mentioned activists and adopting the Moustakas strategy in phenomenology as a method as a result, Varzajang, in the continuation of the cultural tradition of the past in the society, despite the changes it has had, has not come close to the threshold of a cohesive social play.

"Mehdi Bazargan," as one of the most prominent figures of the enlightened religious intellectual movement in Iran, while expressing devotion to religion, made significant efforts in the realms of thought and political action. Nevertheless, one of the questions about him concerns his relationship with "secular thought," as numerous statements suggesting his non-secular interpretation are juxtaposed with ample evidence placing him within the realm of secular scholarship. This article aims to utilize a hermeneutic interpretive approach, particularly drawing on the narrative of "Quentin Skinner," to answer the question of whether Bazargan was secular or not. Based on this, the primary question of this research, focusing on Skinner's specific interpretive model that emphasizes understanding the "author's intention" and the necessity of "understanding the intended speech act" within a linguistic framework, is examined to evaluate the proposition. In the course of this research, while uncovering the subtleties and difficulties of interpreting the ideas of enlightened thinkers like Bazargan, the potential of Skinner's five-stage model emerges for understanding the analytical process, leading to the conclusion that Bazargan's views and actions, especially in his later years, exhibit a high potential and clear implications for a secular interpretation.

Varzajang”, has long been a source of entertainment for some people, but its main core is “war”, and the issue of different generations, i.e. "human-animal interaction", remains. Considering that the existing social reality is not separate from the experiential background of the people involved in it, and the natural views make the continuation of the phenomenon stand out, according to some researchers, it is called social cohesion and economic function, and Varzajang actors want its continuation under the title of preserving the native game, and defend the tradition, using the phenomenological method with focusing on the direct approach, tried to answer this question, what is the intention of these actors in different generations to be in the mentioned position? The result of this study indicates that the proponents and opponents face "phantom pain" And the only possibility to get rid of the mentioned dangers is to embrace “with” the world in which we are thrown.

The bloody play of Varzajang has been common in some regions of Iran and Gilan. It consists of fighting two bulls. Over the past few decades, this play underwent tremendous changes with the transformation of social structures; although apparently, its main core of “Two bulls fighting” remains. Considering that the whole world life of a part of the people of the north of the country in different generations has been so full of natural views on this phenomenon that it is repeated and expanded under the title of preserving the local game, The necessity of defending the tradition insists, this research using the phenomenological method considered by Titchen and Hobson (focusing on the direct approach) and inspired by Mannheim’s theory about generational relations, It has examined the form and content evolution of this phenomenon in different generations. For this purpose, he used the “focus group” data collection method and Moustakas’ phenomenological analysis strategy. The main question is, different generations of people in the north, especially Gilan, what are they experiencing during the ceremony? And in its historical development, what changes has this ceremony created in relations between generations? The result of this research is that the differences between generations have brought changes based on the historical events in space and time around Varzajang, And it has caused its development in social, political, and economic issues (such as phenomena such as celebrations, shows, kings, and gambling).

Conceptual history is a theoretical approach to the modern understanding of political thought and action over time and in the context of sociopolitical transformations. In this approach, concepts are rooted in social developments; In such a way that with the change and development in the society and the field of action, the concepts also change in terms of meaning and function. The question of this essay is how to understand and interpret the relationship between political practice and political theory and whether conceptual history can explain this relationship in a way that the researcher, besides exploring it, fulfills his responsibility of constructing a better society and a better world. The assumption is that conceptual history can both present the most appropriate interpretation of the quality of existence of affairs and opens horizon of future for intervening social affairs; in a way that the realm of the researcher’s action in a position of a theoretical actor is determined. Using descriptive and analytical method, this essay introduces conceptual history. This article seeks to comprehend and interpret conceptual history in the context of modern understanding.

Reviewing the history of Iran's development efforts in the past 150 years shows periods of accompanying, or being ahead and behind countries. Japan and South Korea have a clear position in this field. This research examines Iran's development situation in comparison with these two countries in historical periods (1860-1926 and 1963-2010), within the framework of North, Acemoglu, and Robinson's institutional model. This approach focuses on formal rules, procedures, and organizations to explain the relationship between institutional structures and the success or failure of policies. The main question in this research is that despite the creation of political structure in Iran in the 19th century, compared to the experiences of Japan In the second half of the 19th century and South Korea in the early 20th century, why did the development program in Iran not go well and comprehensive political and economic institutional arrangements were not achieved? The obtained results show that the alignment of the government and the developing nation in Iran has not been successful due to the lack of institutional development.

In the years following the Revolution, based on the approach of poverty alleviation, many efforts have been made to establish social justice and divestment through the actions of the government and supportive institutions, with the arrival of the fifth decade of the revolution, the situation of existence shows that despite spending a lot of financial and human resources, all of these efforts have not enjoyed the expected effectiveness in reducing poverty and deprivation. Considering that support for needy individuals and families as one of the components of social justice has been assigned to Imam Khomeini Relief Committee, in this article, by examining some views of political thinkers and sociologists and centralizing the Islamic social justice theory of Imam Khomeini, we are trying to evaluate the performance of the Relief Committee and its impact on social justice. In the statistical analysis, the results obtained from comparing the population supported by the Relief Committee to the population of the country and the population below the poverty line and comparing the statistics of the population supported by the Relief Committee in the supportive headlines compared to the national statistics and the WELFARE Organization, in addition to showing the appropriate performance of the Relief Committee in support of the poor and the poor and its impact on the realization of social justice in line with the political theory of justice. The Islamic sociality of Imam Ali (a) can also be explaine

This article examines the internal logic and relation of elements of the existing regime in Essay of the Laws based on their duties and powers, using the theory of "Spragens" and taking into account the crises in the society. The result of the work is to draw a model of the political regime in which we see a combination of the main elements of the two regimes, monarchy and democracy, and its most important goals are to ensure the prosperity and security of the members of the society. In this regime, the institution of the monarchy is at the top, but powerful council institutions such as the Night Council, Law Guards, and the City Council composed of experienced elites are foreseen, which, although they adjust the role of the king in the administration of affairs, in many cases, their duties overlap and paradoxical. In general, the arrangement of the institutions of this regime is such that due to the lack of internal coherence, it deprives the citizens of the possibility of dynamism and fundamental innovation or prosperity, and perpetuates a static and rigid state in various aspects of life. Also, this regime can be seen as a model between two ideal and real societies, which, although it is far from the model of the Republic, its real actualization is also very unlikely.

The sacred and philosophical aspects of Imam Hossein mourning have sometimes caused the forgetting of identity-making and effective roles in the relations of daily life. Due to this lack of attention to the earthly valuable dimensions such as Ashura and mourning for Imam Hossein, the Iranian-Islamic lifestyle has increasingly met its diverse needs with improved imported resources. However, traditions and rituals have semantic and inspiring aspects to feed lifestyles. Accordingly, the main question will be what objective and practical capacities are there in the mourning of Imam Hussein- as a human process - to lay the groundwork for the Iranian-Islamic lifestyle? This study aims to use the logic of objective and practical relationships within mourning, to introduce some relationships that make up a comprehensive lifestyle and outside the limits of a religious ritual. In this paper, the method of understanding phenomena will be based on phenomenological forms that follow the description of mourning phenomena based on the needs, experiences, and influences of the Shiite Muslim identifier in everyday life. Therefore, the form of phenomenology will be a personal matter and does not follow the transcendental pattern. In addition, the lived experiences and objective observations of the authors of the mourning ceremonies of Imam Hussein and the reflections of mourning in the narration of some written sources have also been considered. One of the results of this study will be the compilation of a list of consistent and positive propositions for an objective lifestyle and the construction of new relationships in everyday life.

One of the best ways to achieve political stability in multicultural societies is by consensus democracy known as the "division of power." In this type of democracy, by using the four principles of the parliamentary coalition, autonomy, veto right, and proportional representation, it is tried to create political stability in the country and facilitate the circulation of elites in decision-making by sharing different strata and groups in power. Iraq and Lebanon are multicultural societies with ethnic, linguistic, religious, and cultural diversity. The Lebanese population consists of three major groups: Shiites, Sunnis, and Maronite Christians, and Iraq includes three major groups: Shiites, Sunnis, and Kurds. For more than half a century now, in Lebanon, and for nearly two decades, in Iraq, an agreed-upon consensus democracy has been implemented within the framework of their constitution. The mosaic texture of both and the creation of a relatively heterogeneous and heterogeneous society have led to the manifestation of political power based on this democracy and in the form of the pillars of the political system divided between them. Now, considering the shortcomings of the government process - nation-building and non-institutionalization of civil and participatory political culture and the lack or weakness of the party system and NGOs of the two countries, the question of the article focuses on the application of this democracy based on cultural-social diversity and compare their opportunities and challenges. In response, the hypothesis is formulated that consensus democracy is an option that is institutionally-politically capable of achieving relative security and stability by preparing the necessary platform for the participation of multiple ethnic, religious, and linguistic groups. The tribal context and the traditional sectarian tendencies of these countries and the continuation of social divisions are among the effective challenges in the fragility of this democracy. In this article, using both the institutional approach and the comparative method in examining the subject, this result was obtained.Given the multiculturalism of the two countries and the diversity of social divisions in them, consensus democracy is a good option for the political participation of various groups in the decisions of the two countries and has been able to focus on Parliament created relative but fragile stability. The traditional and tribal culture of the two countries, the problem of national identity, cultural barriers to civil society and non-governmental organizations, and the shortcomings of the nation-state-building process have made it difficult to realize the theme of this kind of democracy in practice.It is in the form of a modern dish but with traditional and undemocratic content. In other words, the shape and form of the political system derived from democracy are an agreement commensurate with the multiplicity and cultural diversity in these two countries. However, its content and theme are challenged and conflicted due to the low level of awareness and intellectual maturity of the society and the lack of political pluralism, and it does not have sufficient strength and consistency to create national security and social solidarity.And that is why both the smooth and peaceful transfer of power and the sustainable development and human security in these two countries face serious obstacles and problems, and from time to time we see violent behavior and turmoil or severe political crisis in which national sovereignty and endangers their independence and territorial integrity.The way out of this vulnerable and insecure situation is to train awareness and responsible citizens who have the ability to work together and work in groups and are tolerance and tolerant of opposing ideas, as well as political activism in a peaceful atmosphere away from monotony and self-centeredness. Clarification of economic and political relations, the institutionalization of governing norms and regulations, and the realization of civil institutions and non-governmental organizations are other requirements that can strengthen the foundations of consensus democracy in these countries by eliminating the roots of corruption and discrimination and facilitating citizens' political participation. Non-intervention of foreign powers is another important factor that can provide political independence and national sovereignty, the field of self-confidence of social forces and their interaction in these two countries, and their further role in the dynamics of political and social changes.

After World War II, due to the devastation caused by the war, the maximum government took control of the affairs of the people with all the economic affairs of the countries in hand. But from the early 1980s onwards, which coincided with the early years of the Iranian revolution, the economic administration of countries reduced governments to a minimal organization. And after that, with the awakening of the nations of the Third World, and the demand for their human rights, the powers will inevitably move towards good governance. In this article, using the author-centered hermeneutic method, we examine whether Hashemi , as the first executive person of the country during the his presidency and then the chairmanship of leadership and expediency experts, is in line with these policies and accepts the theory of good governance, we see that good governance from Hashemi's point of view is based on the Islamic-Shiite tradition, especially the political life of the Prophet and the Imams, and the use of human experience and achievements in governance, especially through the institutionalization of the party system.

Researchers argue that a plethora of factors are involved in the formation of desirable bioethics in the family, the most significant of which are the rights and duties of family members, in particular those of husband and wife, as the basis of the family system. As such, the present study seeks to examine the relationship between rights and duties and the formation of desirable bioethics from the perspective of Motahari.

Owing to the theoretical and qualitative nature of the research subject, a mixed method of textualism and contextualism are used for the purposes of the study. That is, the study initially focuses on texts and the potential semantic associations therein while considering the historical and political context and the intellectual and social developments within which the texts were delivered. The required information is collected from library archives through the index. Ethical Considerations: Principles related to research ethics and especially fidelity has been observed in citing the sources and references of the article.

Findings of the research indicate that, according to Motahari, desirable bioethics in the family are the ones that are based on respect for rights and duties, innate talent and acquired ability, as well as the rule of good companionship (… “Consort with them in an honorable manner” …). Moreover, the basis of the principle of equality, which corresponds to appreciating individual differences, loyalty, and self-sacrifice in the family and providing the necessary grounds for the upbringing of well-behaved children, are among the elements of good bioethics in the family system.

According to Motahari, the optimal model of bioethics is based on the denial of materialistic approach in performing rights and duties, acceptance of differences as a factor for respect and recognition of household members, consideration of individual differences, acceptance of innate differences, and acquired abilities of human beings as the main complement and the driving force of the household, and ultimately, the gift-like interpretation of Mahr (i.e., dower). As such, Motahari argues that even the most detailed matters such as women's employment, make-up, and fragrance, and the manner of conversation between the couples are extensively outlined by the optimal bioethics model provided by the fiqh.

Identity is something that is becoming and the ground for its formation is collective life In this regard, our society contains different interpretations of Iranian identity, which is a living issue between discourses in various areas of life. And power, as the main factor in the formation of identity, creates the knowledge and truth it needs.One of the signs of identity in Iran is the Ashura event, which has validity and authority in the minds and consciences of Shiites. In this regard, the phenomenon of "Arbaeen Walk" as a cultural identity has developed in recent years ; therefore, re-evaluating and analyzing the presence of power in the formation of identity is the issue of this research.This study analyzes the two major identity discourses before and after the Islamic Revolution of Iran by adopting the method of "genealogy" and relying on components such as discontinuity, knowledge system, position of power and resistance, association of power with knowledge and truth and then it has tried to formulate a new cultural identity and how it is broken and its new manifestation.

The ruling political system in Iraq during the four decades of the Ba'ath party's rule was a one-party military that was replaced by the federal military in 2004 after its overthrow. The subject of this dissertation is the challenges of the Iraqi one-party system for federalism .And the hypothesis is that the rule of Iraq's one-party system for decades has led to the suppression of civil institutions and the experience of party activity in that country. It has created obstacles and challenges for the realization of federalism To test the hypothesis, Huntington's and Blandell's theories are the theoretical basis for research .Based on this, scientific documents and texts have been reviewed and interviewed with individuals and experts in this field. The results suggest that one-party systems are in conflict with federalism in terms of substance, form, and practice. The focus is on the party and the leadership, the lack of freedom of the security parties, the fictitious trust of the tribes and the establishment of groups in unusual and critical conditions is the official form of power and the culmination of which is personalization the party's leadership is one of the hallmarks of Iraq's one-party system, which is the opposite of federalism and in this regard, negotiations and confrontation (stick and carrot policy) continued from the beginning of the party's life until the fall, the effects of which are more or less observed after the fall of the party. It can be argued that a series of events following the fall of the party, such as the formation of the Transitional Government Council, the conflict and the revolts of the tribes, the formation of the Awakening Councils, the formation and strengthening of ISIL, and the subsequent establishment of the popular mobilization and political tensions over the formation of parliament and government in recent years have not been without their roots in the Ba'athist one-party system.

Prioritizing the Geopolitical Components of Iranian Relatives Affecting National Security in the Light of Globalization Discourse (Case Study: Turkmens in Golestan Province) Today, the influence of the political geography of the Iranian ethnic groups on the national security is not overlooked. Therefore, this research has been formulated for the importance of the Turkmen ethnic groups in the national security of the country in the light of globalization and, finally, solutions to increase national security.This research is in terms of purpose, applied research and according to the method of data collection (methodology) since it examines the degree of consensus of the group's votes on weighting and prioritizing the geopolitical components of Iranian ethnic groups affecting national security using ANP hierarchical analysis method. , Is a survey research.Data collection tool in this research is ANP questionnaire made by researcher and interview with experts.The dependent variable of national security research and its independent variables are political, economic, demographic, and geographic factors.The statistical population consists of 20 political and geographic experts. The method of analyzing information using the multi-criteria ANP decision method, which was applied to categorize and prioritize these factors.For data analysis, Team Expert Choice and EXCEL software have been used. The results show that the political factor (A) with the relative weight of 0.306 ranked first and then the economic factor (D) with a relative weight of 0.279 in the second and demographic (C) with a relative weight of 0.211 in the third rank and geographic factor ( B) With a relative weight of 0.204, the fourth rank is the importance of the geopolitical factors of Turkmen in Golestan province.

Community life is a background to cultural identity, and myth is a cultural category that can guide and mold people's lifestyle. Myths fulfill various functions that prove effective on religio-mystical levels, hence influential on reinforcing the cultural identity. From this perspective, the Arbaeen march symbolizes a community's unity that prevents its dispersion, hence making a ground for actions on the community level.
Drawing upon Joseph Capmbell's mystical components, this paper studies the participants' experience of the march for coming up with a definite cultural identity.
As the event of Ashura has been of much significance for Shiites, the Arbaeen march has embodied a much deeper value for them.

The article using documentary methods have dealt with the discourse analysis of the 2011 Arabian revolutionary network movements, with a focus on the Tunisian and Egyptian political changes. The main question: based on the method of discourse analysis, what factors articulated network movement in the Arab revolutions? The result of this study indicated the authoritarianism discourse ruling these societies was legitimized due to: dictatorship, corruption, repression and economic backwardness. And in the absence of it, the revolutionary movements were formed. The main points of this discourse were: "freedom, dignity and prosperity". This movements using virtual network, could mobilize all strata and political groups against the dictatorship. Also, the results of the study showed that this discourse, by identifying various social and political forces, could create a coherent chain of all the ideals and tendencies from liberal and Marxist groups to the traditional Islamist movements and even the Christian minority. The key characteristics of this movement was youth and females as a political agency.

"self" and "other" are hostile Interpretation that in political and intercultural studies, lead to the separation between different communities and identities. In Laclau E and Mouff C's Discourse theory, this concept has been interpreted by specific constraints, as the engines that drive a discourse, they show the inevitability of the function of resistance and hostility.The search for these two concepts in James Morier's novel is a central theme of this article.Especially that according to the author's oriental viewpoint of Iranian society (external look), this book points to considerable contexts in judging and culturing an alien image of Iranian culture and relationships. In this article, after defining and interpreting of "self" and "other", the position and importance of "The Adventures of Hajji Baba of Ispahan" are mentioned as an entry on study of Iranian political and social morals and ethics. After discussing these two topics, the different sides and proportions of "self" and "other" were extracted from the book and according to discursive approach, some of the exaggerations and attributions of this allegorical-fantasy story were evaluated by the actions and morals of the Iranians of the Qajar era. The results that explain intensification of some "self" and "other" and deepening hostile relationships in the form of this book. Representing these contradictions, while pointing to gap in cross-cultural understanding, has emphasized the need to cross over the concepts in the book and more accuracy in readout.

The main purpose of this article is to find out how women belonged to patriarchal families evaluate their common life and how they look at the phenomenon of patriarchy dominant in their life. The method of the research was qualitative and the research tool was deep interview. Contributors, from the Clan of Dehbalai located in Ilam city, were selected purposefully. Using Bourdieu’s concepts of field, habitus, and mental structures, an explanation of women's views on the phenomenon of patriarchy was provided. Data analysis was done using coding.
As the result of the research the patriarchal field characteristics of the clan were identified and the satisfactory obedience of women participating in authoritarian relationships was explained. Patriarchal field characteristics were: gradual acclimatization to masculine authority, self-censorship and the adoption of the rules of the patriarchal field, the lack of struggle for survival in the field, the acquisition of passive and submissive mental structure, and the reproduction of patriarchal culture to next generation. What distinguishes this research is that it displays the satisfactory patriarchy-laden life of a group of women, which is in clear conflict with egalitarian thought.

Since the 18th century, Rousseau has been often credited with egalitarian and liberal views worldwide; however, his potent pen in shaping ideas has led to women’s extreme suppression. It seems that Rousseau had been suffering from Dissociative Identity Disorder to the extent that through one of his personality states he leads women to utter subservience, and through the other one he gives them an aura of holiness. The present paper depicts such dualities through the analysis of Rousseau’s three books, Emile, Social Contract and Confessions. In Emile, women are pictured as subservient to men. In the Social Contract, the most important book by Rousseau and an early work on the discourse of equality in the modern era, women are largely ignored, while in Confessions they are worshipped. In order to analyze and interpret these three perennial works, the author-based hermeneutic approach of Quentin Skinner was utilized in an attempt to unpick Rousseau’s intentions. Moreover, the theoretical and conceptual categorization of Luce Irigaray, the post-modern feminist who believes that the method of oppression of women by men on women is used in elaborating Rousseau’s unfair judgments. In this interdisciplinary study of women, Rousseau’s discourse and political thought on gender inequality are intermingled. In short, under the influence of psychological complexities, Rousseau gives women a subservient, far-from-human status through his use of language.

In the Ninth century, Sufi movement emerged in Iran as a powerful political force and established a new government named the Safavid monarchs. In this stage, the Sufis used politicized Shiite as the top discourse evidence of nationalism. The intersection of religion and nationality in Safavi discourse caused Religious unity become the basis for political unity after about 900 yeears – after Sasanians- and national identity emerged in Iran. In these situations, Shia Safavid discourse was formed as a factor to strengthen national identity. This discourse spread its hegemony called “the super powerful king” against the Ottoman Caliphate and other foreign competitors through otherization, highlighting, layout and marginalization. The present study aims at reviewing the role of safavid Shiism in national identity using theoretical framework and analytical instruments adopted from of Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse analysis.

Mojtahed Shabestari is one of the religious modernists of current Iran who views religion and religious contexts on the basis of hermeneutic epistemology particularly using Gadamer’s dialogue hermeneutic and Betti and Hirech method hermeneutic. The center of Shabestari’s religious view is based on two categories- “religious pluralism” and “religious experience”- which are rooted in his reading of religion on a hermeneutic basis. In his view, the category of religion is basically located in private field. On one hand, Shabestari has stated some theories in the field of politics, the center of which is the category of “human rights”. This article seeks to study and evaluate the relation between these two aspects. Consequently, hermeneutic requirements and provisions and principles of human rights do not comply with each other according to Shabestari and the relation between them has not enough necessary transparency and logical strength. This is because “human rights” is based on the subject-centered view of modernization, the requirements of which does not comply with the basis of hermeneutic epistemology specially “dialogue hermeneutic” basis.

According to methodology of textual reading, commentator finds out the meaning of any text solely with concentrating to the very text. This methodology based on two basic presumptions: one that, text is a sufficient object with independent world and commentator enables to understand the meaning of text without that we know the intention of author and the historical-social context of it’s genesis too. Other that, texts especially classic texts, entails fundamental and abiding questions and universal-dateless ideas that human being has been permanently faced with them in history. Skinner by criticize and rejecting of two mentioned presumption, criticizes methodology of textual reading and shows the inadequacy of it in understanding of political thoughts. In this article, the author analyses and criticizes methodology of textual reading and skinner’s critic on it. Consequently, in this way, we can extrapolate useful and advantageous points which help us in understanding of political concepts and ideas either positively or negatively.