سید هاشم آقاجری

“Karim Khan Zand” is one of the most prominent people who was able to establish his rule over important parts of Iran after the death of “Nader Shah Afshar”. Many stories have been told about his behavior and character in different sources, one of the most important of these quotes is about “Karim Khan Zand”'s title, which means "  Vakil al-ra aya ". Later, many researchers have given many reasons in response to the attribution of this title to “Karim Khan Zand”, which are not consistent with historical documents and sources, and in addition, with the political and social context of Iran's pre-constitutional society. Therefore, the main question of this research is, when was the title " Vakil al-ra aya " used for “Karim Khan” and what are the factors affecting its use? This research answers these questions with a historical method and a descriptive-analytical approach, relying on the content analysis of the documents and the critical study of the historical sources of" the Zand dynasty"  and "Qajar" periods. The results of this research show that the contemporary sources of "Karim Khan Zand" did not mention this title during his lifetime, on the other hand, "Karim Khan Zand" also considered himself as " Vakil al-daula " of ” Ismail III" after the defeat of the claimants. For the first time, under “Majamal al-Tawarikh,”  by “Kohmera” mentions “Karim Khan” with the title of “ Vakil al-ra aya ”, the reason for which was his interest in “Khan Zand” and 's actions for the prosperity and well-being of the people.Also, the writing of the following and referring to this nickname is late from the time of Karim Khan. What is clear is that many researchers consider the title of  Vakil al-ra aya for Karim Khan as a proof of the existence of some kind of political relationship between him and the people, which is a distinct feature of the political order of the modern era. But according to the available documents, it can be said that such a perception cannot represent the type of relationship between the people and the ruler during “the Zand dynasty” period; Because it was with the constitutional revolution that Iranians were able to put aside the old political order and implement a new order based on representation in Iran. Based on this, it can be said that in addition to historical documents, the political structure of Iran during” the Zand dynasty” period could not be a place for such a relationship.

The research problem of the present study is to examine the ideology of the People's Party of Iran and investigate its programs in political, social, and economic arenas. Through an analytical and descriptive approach to historical sources and data, responses to the aforementioned problem were provided. Based on the research results, the party, according to its periodical analysis, assessed Iranian society on the brink of a social transformation and promoted a program grounded in an ideology aimed at realizing this transformation. The ideology in question was socialism based on theism, emphasizing a religious identity in its monotheistic form while also considering moral and humanistic socialism. Additionally, in the political arena, the party sought to overthrow the monarchical system and establish a democratic system. In social and economic arenas, it pursued socialist transformation focusing on fundamental rights and freedoms of the people, eradicating poverty and unemployment, providing jobs and bread, and ensuring conditions for education and healthcare for all. The party also aimed to adopt a national economic policy and pursue programs for economic growth and development, strengthening domestic production, and equitable wealth distribution, administrative reorganization, and more. The strategy for transition in this program was based on the premise that due to the incompetence of the old system in responding to the people's demands and the inability of social classes to seize power through classical means, a political and revolutionary group must strip the ruling class of political and governmental power through widespread and extensive struggle, replace them, and realize transformation and change in all social aspects.

The migration of Iranian labor to the Caucasus began in 1850/1266 AH, so that every year several thousand people left the country and worked in factories, oil industries, farms and docks in the worst conditions. One of the most important issues that these immigrants faced as soon as they arrived in the Caucasus was the issue of how to live and its conditions. Therefore, the main goal of the current research is to investigate the housing situation of Iranian workers in the Caucasus. The following article, with the approach of history from below and with the inspiration of "Edward Palmer Thompson" (1924-1993 AD), tries to answer the question of what kind of settlements were chosen by Iranian migrant workers in the Caucasus, and this was influenced by What were the components? The results of the studies show that the workers in the Caucasus had three types of housing, i.e. housing at the workplace, rented housing and dormitory buildings. Considering the low wages of Iranian workers (between 12 and 21 rubles per month), most of them did not have the financial ability to live in dormitory buildings. For this reason, some farm and garden workers lived in their workplaces, and some A significant number of workers in the oil industry and factories rented cottages, basements and crypts on the outskirts of the cities and lived in them collectively

Ali Akbar Dehkhoda presented two different views - radical and moderate- in relation to the issue of land ownership in different issues of Sur-e Israfil newspaper. The main issue of the present study is to explain the dual reading of Dehkhoda from the category of land ownership. Dehkhoda in his early writings took a radical and socialist look Provides coverage of human and Islamic rights in relation to land ownership and speaks of the unconditional transfer of land to the subjects and considers its coercive realization through the reform project or, if necessary, through the possibility of a peasant revolution. However, in the following posts, take a modified look and, by accepting the property rights of the owners, He offered to transfer the property to the subjects in exchange for paying their price through the bank. The present study, based on Skinner's intentional hermeneutics, reveals the findings and points in response to the above problem. Characteristics of the dominant linguistic-discourse and intellectual-social space, including: Intensification of political tensions and alignment of proponents and opponents of the constitution, Discourse disputes between legitimacy and constitutionalism, Discourse disputes between legitimacy and constitutionalism, Attack on the office of the newspaper Sur-e Israfil and a delay of more than a month in its publication, Along with the approval of the Impressions Law and the establishment of a peace committee(In the presence of Jahangir Khan, the director of Sur-e Israfil) and request to stay away from extremism, Caused Dehkhoda to respond in this way.

The industrial revolution, by changing the way of production, left a tremendous impact on the traditional industries of nations. Affected by industrial developments, Iran's textile industry faced a challenge with machine production; These developments gradually changed the taste of Qajar Iranian society, especially the court, nobility and other classes of the society to use machine textiles. In this period, variables such as diversity in design, pattern and color, price reduction compared to handmade products, changing tastes of different classes of society and the development of trade due to the political and economic power of Europe, led to the spread and expansion of the use of machine-made textiles and the reduction of the consumption of domestic products. and as a result stagnation in many domestic textile branches. In this article, with the historical and analytical method and the use of library resources and by adopting the theoretical framework of dependence, the question is answered that what factors have been effective in creating the domestic textile challenge? And what has been the result of domestic textile stagnation? Relying on the dependency theory, the industrial components affected by the political and economic power of Europe, the traditional view governing relations and the inability to change the production method and the dependency of the Qajar government in creating challenges in textile and as a result the gradual decline of many textile branches and the unemployment of artisans. had. These findings indicate that getting rid of this situation depends on changing the production method, breaking dependence on the structure of the capitalist system, and paying attention to the introverted development model.

Following the opening of the political and intellectual space in Iran in the 1320s, various political parties emerged with their different ideologies and programs. One of these parties was “the Association for the Freedom of the Iranian People” (Jamʿiyyat-e Azadi-ye Mardom-e Iran), which began its activities around the same time as the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry. This article aims to explain the ideology and the political, social and economic goals of “the Association for the Freedom of the Iranian People” based on a descriptive-analytical method using primary sources. The party, based on its own analysis, saw Iranian society on the verge of social transformation and promoted agendas based on a specific ideology to realize this transformation. The basis for this ideology was theistic socialism, i.e. a combination of socialism and Islamic religious identity, on the basis of which the party pursued its goals. Among the most important goals pursued by the party were the protection of Iran's independence and territorial integrity, the creation of a democratic national government, the nationalization of natural resources and their exploitation on the basis of a national socialist ideology, the development of mechanization, the cession of agricultural land to farmers, the extension of property rights, the nationalization of heavy industry, the provision of public health care and cultural products, thefight against materialistic and superstitious ideas, the support of Islamic principles to strengthen faith, intellectual and moral growth in society, the guarantee of women’s rights and the strengthening of the family structure.

The establishment of a national military force was one of the first plans of the nation's representatives in the first constitutional parliment. The short life of the parliament and Mohammad Ali Shah's coup became one of the main obstacles in realizing this goal. With the efforts of representatives and libertarians in the second parliament, the governmental gendarmerie force was established. A force that played a dynamic and active role in the country's developments from the time of its formation until its integration into the unified army. This essay tries to research the influence of the gendarmerie forces in the two events of the First World War and the coup on third of Esfsnd 1299 (february 22nd 1920) by analyzing the bases. The essay examines the issue through a historical method with a descriptive-analytical approach and the findings of the research show that the connection of a group of gendarmerie officers with the democrats and the independence of Iranian officers led to the union of the gendarmerie with the nationalists in opposition to the forces of Tsarist Russia and England; But the damage of the war and the deep financial and political crises that had led the country to the abyss of disintegration and subjugation, took the ideals and goals of the gendarmerie officers and the gendarmerie force reacted to this situation with passivity and the cooperation of a part of this force with the coup on third of Esfsnd 1299 (february 22nd 1920)accompanied.

The Industrial Revolution in Europe, which was accompanied by a change in human attitudes towards various material and cultural affairs, had a tremendous effect on increasing machine production in Europe and reducing or declining the production of other countries' industries. In the serious challenge between machine production and job-shop product in Iran, many branches of job-shop product in the Qajar era gradually evolved, as the carpet weaving industry was influenced by modernity and the intellectual and cultural atmosphere affected by the Industrial Revolution and became doubly important. The attitude of Western society and the general attention of the European classes, especially the growing middle class, to Iranian carpets had an impact on the design, color and even dimensions of Iranian carpets. During this period, variables such as the change in the attitude of the middle class of European society affected by industrial developments, the introduction of Iranian carpets in international exhibitions and the investment of multinational companies in the carpet industry, provided the basis for increasing domestic carpet production and exports. Art-industry became popular among the general classes of Europe and in the development of its international trade. The purpose of this article is to investigate the challenge of carpet job-shop product in the Qajar period with the developments affected by the Industrial Revolution and Iran's growing dependence on the global economy and to analyze the results of this challenge. The data collection of this article is in the form of libraries and documents and the data have been studied by descriptive-analytical method.

The application of theories, especially historical theories, is the basis of a serious and significant question in sociology, which, ironically, has not been addressed well in Iran. From a methodological point of view, this research has evaluated the possibility and necessity of applying the theory of The Civilizing Process in the context of Iranian society; and it supports the idea that Iranian researchers can study issues related to this theory in Iranian society in terms of the technical and methodological precautions mentioned in the text. Our main premise in this research is the need for a historical perspective in the field of cultural policy; And so, while this article can lead to a suitable idea for the methodological evaluation of the application of theories, at the same time it will remind us how theories can open the way for cultural evaluations and how these theories should be linked with the social history in question. In this regard, the question that this study was trying to answer was how to apply a historical theory like the Elias theory in the context of Iran?

One of the issues faced by the Qajar government in the second half of the 13th/19th century was the mass migration of the people. The migration took place from 1266 AH/1850 AD and to a relatively larger extent, from 1286 AH/1870 AD, from different provinces of Iran to other lands, especially the Southern Caucasus. Consequently, several thousand people left their homeland every year to work. As soon as they arrived in these areas, the migrants were employed in the worst conditions in factories, oil industries, villages, farms, docks, etc. in the worst conditions. In this article, an attempt has been made to use a descriptive-analytical approach based on collecting data from archival sources and adopting the theoretical framework of attraction and repulsion models based on the opinions of thinkers such as Ravenstein, Thomas, and Everett S. Lee, to explain the causes of the Iranian labor force migrates to the Caucasus. This research proposes that the economic, political, and social factors as push and pull factors in the origin and destination created a sort of imbalance that caused the migration of Iranian labor to the Caucasus and this process continued over the years.

At the end of the Shah Tahmaseb‘s reign, Tabriz, the first capital city of the Safavids, witnessed the movement of the Guilds against the central government. The event triggered the movement was a small scale one, originally arising from a physical conflict between a butcher and a gunman, but swiftly transformed into a mass movement, spread throughout the city. This was a well-organized and multilayered movement in which the Guild constituted the body of the movement and the athletes, the top leadership. To mobilize the movement, they, both, organized their supporters and political advocates around the goals, determined for the movement. Although, the existing resources, from that period, concerning the movement, seems either to maintain the movement in a total obscurity or at least in poor attention and deliberation, some evidences, otherwise, verify, in a convincible manner, that the activists involved in the movement, reached a remarkable achievement by expelling the government authorities from Tabriz, and replacing them in controlling and running the city for the period of two years. Based on a descriptive-analytic approach, along with a theoretical framework constructed from the theoretical perspectives of thinkers such as Tilly, Zald, merged within the class-based approach of Erik Olin Wright, the present article, is an attempt to provide a typology of the movement, and also to proceed further to inquire on the reasons and mechanisms through which this movement came into existence. This research discusses that the Guilds movement instantiates a low class civil movement which should be explained first and foremost as a protest against the oppressive taxation policy, implemented by the current government accompanied by a long term deprivation of the majority of the population from the economical benefits of the Silk Road. The collective nature of this movement, according to the suggested theoretical framework, can be categorized as reactionary actions with a slight orientation toward competitive ones.

Throughout the 20th century, Syrian national identity had witnessed some crises. This paper investigated the concept of nation is used by Syrian modernists and intellectuals in 20th century. It does so by refer to their attempts to create and redefine a new national identity. In this way, we showed the differences between that modernist by typology their view, it also argued that these differences are based upon their different standpoint, social class, occupational background and career. For the purpose of the study we used The hermeneutic approach of Quentin Skinner. This article points up the need for more attention to rhetorical perspective for reach a high level knowledge of some concepts like nation, nationalism, as well as the importance of variety of standpoints of thinkers. It should be noted that concept of nation has a dynamic meaning in history so by ground-clearing and highlighting the context, we can understand it better.

The national question was a concept constructed by nineteenth-century Marxists in the face of the spread of the wave of nationalism, a concept they used as a tool to advance their goals, especially on the eve of the October Revolution. In Iran, it was with the establishment of the Communist Party in 1338 AH that the “national question” came up under the concept of “different nations of Iran.” The Tudeh Party, as the most important communist group during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah, developed the concept of “national question” in Iran. The main question of this research is what the approach of the Tudeh Party was towards the concept of “national question” in Iran and what the factors influencing this approach were. The hypothesis of this research is based on the proposition that this party’s approach to the concept of “national question” in Iran is derived from the teachings of Lenin and Stalin and a functionalist approach to advance its struggles and the leadership of Marxist groups is to expand the level of struggle, and Ideological ties with the Soviet Union have had the greatest impact on this approach. In this study, interpretive and explanatory-functionalist methodologies have been used to explain the problem. In data interpretation, the content analysis method has been used, and in explaining events, recognizing political structures, and causally explaining their function has been considered. This study concludes that the Tudeh Party’s approach to the “national question” in Iran was functionalist and in line with its goals, and the party did not pay more attention to it.

Following the improvement of social status and human rights of women in the context of paradigm shift and discourse of European culture in recent centuries and the transfer of its intellectual achievements to the Islamic world, the problem of women became one of the important sociological problems in the Islamic world. In the Islamic world, due to the complexity of issues and the hegemony of religious discourse, an essential part of women’s issues belongs to the field of religion. Nevertheless, with women becoming a problem and other native challenges for Muslim thinkers; Scholars have shifted to interdisciplinary and specialized studies in women affairs. As one of the neo-Muchr('39')tazilite thinkers, Hamed Abu Zayd deals with the problem of women by using sciences like sociology, linguistics and, adoption approaches such as humanism and methods like hermeneutics and a new look at the interpretation of the Quran. This research is searching for the components of Abu Zayd interpretation and his solution to the womenchr('39')s problem. He believes the contemporary challenges of Muslim women are not rooted in the Quran but are rooted in masculine traditions, the dominance of the patriarchal atmosphere. By stating "the problem of women is essentially a social problem" he separates it from religious affairs and intends to follow the Quranic view of women, pay attention to the historicity of the scripture and ultimately resort to secularism in legislation to solve it. This research has used a descriptive-analytical method based on content analysis to receive the opinion of Abu Zayd.

In the new centuries, human beings' intellectual progress and the insightful and methodical developments of various sciences also made the thinkers in history redefine this knowledge's identity and science. These developments began in the West. After many challenges and the creation of new historiography schools, it led to establishing the science of history's prestige and position among other sciences. Iranian historians did not shy away from these developments. So, Iranian historians sought to transfer new ideas by putting contemporary Iranian historiography in the transition from a traditional to a modern mode. One of these historians in academic circles is ʿAbbās Zaryāb Khoii, among whose historical works see scientific historiography signs. The present study mainly aims to critique Zaryāb Khoii's methodological historiography and explain his historiography's components by providing clear and precise examples. It seems that this historian has taken reasonable steps in applying the principles of scientific historiography in his works and, with a combination of scientific, intellectual, and critical approaches, seeks to provide a new explanation of some historical narratives and traditional views. Among Zaryāb Khoii's historiography components are the rigorous modification of narratives, the critique of Orientalists' essential history, the neutrality of historical analysis as much as possible, using other sciences' achievements, and the attempt to present a multifaceted picture of historical phenomena. Of course, in some cases, he still has not gone beyond the scope of traditional descriptive historiography. Hence, perhaps, he can be described as a neoclassical historian.

The national question is a concept that Marxists raised in the face of the spread of the wave of nationalism in the 19th and 20th centuries, and used it as a propaganda tool, especially on the eve of the October Revolution. In Iran, too, with the establishment of the Communist Party in 1338 AH, the party sought to explain its approach to the national question. The main questions of this research are why a concept called the national Question was raised in Iran? And what was the place of the national question in the political strategy of the Communist Party of Iran? This research examines these questions with an interpretive approach and with content analysis method. The study concludes that the national question was the result of communist propaganda from the Soviet Union before it had a real impact on Iranian society, and even the Communist Party of Iran paid little attention to it except as a tool to advance its political goals.

Every discourse of power organizes the spaces. The discourses of resistance in their struggle challenge the organized spatial of power and tried to control it. So, the spaces can used like an instrument of struggle by every social group. In spaces that the power and the resistance struggle each other, the violence is inevitable and will intertwined with the space. This study by descriptive-analytical approach and inspire Foucault's theories tries to research the violence-space in the fifth/sixth centuries AH and the struggles the rival discourses for seizing space. The conclusion showed the discourse of power by organize the spaces and use its the military-service employees and rely on the Symbolic violence and by construct of Heterotopias deviation" and "Crisis keeps itself and be permanent. In other hand, the exclusionary people and rebellion groups like beggars, criminals, thieves, corrupt people, nomadic tribes, and religious minorities such as the Ismailis tried to seize the spaces by settling, killing, assassinating, looting, and sometimes fighting. Although both of them failed to eliminate each other, but  they played an important role in weakening each other and creating the grounds for greater crises.

The significant role played by women struggling during the Pahlavi era-in shaping and accelerating the movements let to the 1979 revolution- has given them a special historical status. Awareness of this prominent position has undoubtedly been effective in getting some of them to record their life experiences in the form of autobiographies. By accepting autobiography as a way to represent self-identity and self-narration - which is based on gender – the research seeks to examine-using interpretive hermeneutic approach within the conceptual framework of Paul Ricoeur's narrative identity-on one hand the place of language and time at the level of narrative and, on the other hand, how to reflect feminine identity in narrative formats redefined in the aforesaid theory, relying on the memories of Pahlavi-era women in political arena. By recognizing the instability of identity, the study has assumed it a linguistic and temporal matter constructed by the narrators that has represented in the form of narrative, and we have made use of the most relevant theory to understand how this identity constructs. In other words, based on the conceptual framework of Paul Ricoeur's narrative identity to interpret the text of political women's memoirs, we seek to answer the following questions:1. What place do language and time occupy at the narrative level?2. How has feminine identity been redefined in narrative formats?The presence of 9 women in the Left discourse and 3 women in a subgroup of Islamic ideology and the reflection of gender identity and concerns in the context of organizational identity, appropriately illustrates the dominance of the campaign discourse and organizational ideology over the female gender identity of these autobiographers, that should be considered as the data and obvious hypotheses of the study.Of course, we are seeing that leftist militants are more explicit to represent their gender identity than Muslim militants. Narrative coherence, nonlinearity of the narrative, and the existence of a "synchronous" and "simultaneous" relationship between the time of life and the time of narration are other research results that should be noted. The continuity of story chains and the detailed description, including details of the characters involved in shaping the narrator's identity, are among other things related to the analysis of the aforementioned works. Also, the language used in the narrative is influenced by the time of the narration of the work, as in the narratives in the context of the event we see the use of slogan, emotional, and idealistic vocabulary, while in the narratives made with a temporal distance from the event, there is no place for these sentiments.

The history and ancestry of clans and tribes is one of the most important historical and social issues of Iran. There is a deep disagreement about the ancestry and historical past of Gharagozlous, a tribe that inhabited in Hamadan in the past. There is not enough information to the question when and how and from which tribe of Torks they were branched. Among the studies about their origin and ancestry there are huge disagreements. This research in an analytical and explanatory way and by criticizing different viewpoints about Gharagozlou,s origin, tries to find a reasonable answer to the question and fill the gap about their chronicle. The results of the research show that Gharagozlou,s were a little branch of Bighdeli tribe and this tribe as Oghoz Torks entered Iran platean in Salgughid,s period.

In this research, attempts are made to respond to the raised questions in the theoretical philosophy field of History from the Isma'ili intellectuals' point of view represented in their cosmological notions in Isma'ili theology and history of human being. The most important philosophical component in Isma'ili history in accordance with its different systems in comparison with Islamic perspective of history is also surveyed. It seems that the Isma'ili historiography in spite of its common properties with Islamic perspective of History in particular and classical-religious historiography in general, possesses components such as axial role of Imam in history, cyclic-linear system of history, and the affiliation between History and Meta-History. These components are reflected in the few remained historiographical works of Ismail'ism. The method of this research is Hermeneutics phenomenology and the data is collected based on the historical methods using library materials.

Since revolutions have been so important in world history over the past three centuries, various theories have been elaborated by historical sociologists, and the Iranian constitutional revolution is one of the turning points of Iranian history because it changed the political structure of the country and its effects are still there. Theda  Skocpol is one of the contemporary sociologists in the United States who has studied social revolutions in Asia and Europe. This research aims to explain the degree of conformity of the  Skocpol model with the constitutional revolution by a descriptive-explanatory method. According to the  Skocpol hypothesis, the social revolution is the product of an accidental confluence of structural factors. In her view, a social revolution is taking place in an agricultural and non-colonial country, and the factor of that international pressure on the government is peasant revolt and marginal elite participation. In the 19th century, Iran was an agricultural and non-colonial country, and all three of the factors that  Skocpol intended had role in constitutional revolution, but other factors were also effective, such as urban revolts and semi-colonial conditions. In fact, international pressure began with wars with Russia, and the Qajar government needed financial and tax revenue to strengthen its military. Thus, the government resorted to a centralized policy that resulted in economic pressures on the different classes. In response, all social classes objected to the modernization and economic reforms of the government, but the outcome of these protests depended on the position and influence and support of foreign agents. The constitutional revolution took place in the conditions of weak Russian power and British political support for the constitution, but with the Russian-British coalition the political power of the social classes disappeared. Thus, the Constitutional Revolution did not lead to the empowerment of Iran. So the constitutional revolution is almost in line with  Skocpol's theory of the fields of revolution, but it contradicts the consequences of the social revolutions intended by  Skocpol because Iran was in semi-colonial terms.

The available original and Academic literature over the Iranian constitutional revolution is a voluminous multidisciplinary one to which a great deal of historiographical, sociological, etc., texts may attest. Though the Iranian constitution has been considered by the literature, whether entirely or partly, the prime objective of the present article is tracing endeavors of the constitutionalists to set up the modern state and statecraft. Seeking for modern state along the primary constitution 1285-1299 H.S. (1906-1921 A.D) finished in vain. Here surprising was any other outcome, since the constitutionalists failed to organize an independent parliament and governmental body from one hand, and disengage the heart of dissident power, the royal court and armed tribal federations, on the other hand. The failed project of the constitutionalists, building the modern state, led to new tribal centrifugal movements. In such an atmosphere Semko’s rebellion took place. His rebellion, irrelevant to the dominant anti or pro constitution environment of the time, theoretically was inspired by ethnical-political aspirations and practically fueled by tribal motivations. The Authors would portray links between defects of an unsuccessful constitutional movement and Semko’s rebellion genesis. In order to reach the goal this paper perceived two key hypotheses; firstly the constitutional projects on nation-state making were undeniably aborted, secondly due upon the abortion Semko’s rebellion developed.

Throughout history of Iran, tradespeople were so noteworthy to government which had tribal structure and dominated society of Iran, due to their social and economic functions. The situation of marketeer, and especially the tradespeople’s guild improved with the invasion of Mongol to Iran far more than before. Mongol who lived in steppes, from the beginning of their attacks on Iran have honored the tradesman’s productions. Many people of this productive class were saved from dying by Mongols during their slaughter. In this study writers are going to answer the question that what were the effect of Mongols and Ilkhans’ policies on social and political status of guilds in Iran. The results of this study indicates that marginalizing the institution of Hussebeh by non-Muslim Mongols until Ghazan Khan period and supporting the tradesman by Mongols, while attacking on Iran and also preventing them from becoming killed, is rooted in economic and military Mongols’ needs that these were Mongols and Ilkhans’ policies towards tradesman. From the social feature these policies led to formation of associations by tradesman and their close relations with other groups including Fetyan and from political aspect, those caused the presence of guilds in political events both during the Ilkhan and interregnum periods. This study aims to analyse the historical data on the impact of Mongols and Ilkhanian’s policies on the social and political status of guilds in Iran through an analytical descriptive approach.