شجاع احمدوند

In this article, the aim is not to address the theoretical issues contained in Leviathan, but rather to confront Hobbes’s visual politics from a philosophical iconographic perspective. Introduction Hobbes’s Leviathan, as one of the most prominent works in the field of modern political thought, is depicted in an icon that has metaphorically become the most prominent political figure in the history of modern political thought. This icon, both in its entirety and in its components, contains elements that, by interpreting and dismantling its foundations, reveal Hobbes’s biopolitical system and the extent of his influence in the field of political thought. In addition, the reason for considering Hobbes’s intellectual work as modern and its difference from other thinkers who were thinking during his lifetime will be revealed.The main question of the article is: What idea did Hobbes intend to convey by choosing this symbol for the introduction to his book? And basically, what elements and ideological foundations does the symbol of Leviathan, despite its powerful theological themes, have that have made it the most prominent figure in modern political thought?

How to recognize national identity is important for children and teenagers; Because how social behavior appears in adulthood is a function of how national identity is understood and attitudes towards society's values in childhood and adolescence. Based on this, governments try to institutionalize their desired and preferred identity in society, especially among children and adolescents. In order to organize their desired social order in this way, the governments rely on textbooks and pay special attention to identity building through narrative or story within the framework of the education system and textbooks. Through the representation of people, historical events and social and political concepts, textbooks play an important role in shaping the attitudes and behavior of students. 17th and returns with the emergence of new nation-states and the formation of the national education system. In this period, in addition to the emergence of class social consciousness under the industrial process, competition between socio-economic and political groups among nation-states was formed to form a committed and nationalist force in the framework of the newly formed concepts resulting from the independence of independent nation-states. As a result, a large part of the institutionalized or formalized education program was directed to the education of the ideological attitudes and programs of the nation-states, and competition was created between the nation-states and their educational systems. During these developments, the school as the main center of education It was formed and one of the most central areas of education, which is the creation of national identity, was noticed in the framework of formal education in countries such as Germany, France, Italy, America and England. This process, i.e. rebuilding and reforming the national identity through educational policies in Iran, started from the era of Abbas Mirza with the arrival of new civilizational facilities and the establishment of Dar al-Funun, political science school, missionary schools and Roshdiyeh, and until the signing of the constitutional decree in 1285 in the framework of Educational modernization and reform continued, but it was never able to change Iran's educational system from an inefficient and traditional system to a coherent educational system resulting from a modern state, but this is important as the reconstruction of Iran's cultural identity in order to form a modern and absolute state in the period of Reza Shah. Attention was paid and it became the fundamental pillar of his nascent government in different dimensions by focusing on modern education and in the second Pahlavi era, it found a broader aspect by relying on the reconstruction of ancient Iranian culture, as Alessandro Busani called it Aryan and Neo-Achaemenid nationalism. This process continued with fundamental changes during the Islamic revolution with the formation of concepts such as Islamic-Iranian identity centered on religious identity and national elements such as language and history, which centered on the books of heavenly gifts and social studies in elementary school in order to socialize students with The centrality of Islamic-Iranian identity. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to put the cognitive theory as the focus of the three emotional, cognitive and metacognitive aspects, taking into account components such as culture and art, history, geography, religion, national symbols, mythology and national celebrities, and the policy of answering this The question is which primary school textbooks emphasize more on which components of national identity have had and which representation model have they used.

Regarding the research method, it should be mentioned that the data collection is done in the document-library method and the data analysis is done in the content analysis method. In this research, all the texts, images and questions of thirteen books of the fourth, fifth and sixth grade elementary courses, including Persian, writing, heavenly gifts, social studies and sixth grade thinking and research, are collected and in eight components of culture and art (including literature, including works literature, literary celebrities, calligraphy, painting, music, drama and handicrafts); National and local norms and traditions (including national customs, patriotism, national celebrations); History and historical works (including historical stories and events, inscriptions, bridges, palaces); Geography (including soil, weather, mountains, lakes); National legends and celebrities (including Rostam, Sohrab, Esfandiar, Shahnameh Ferdowsi, Khayyam, Razi, Abu Ali Sina); national symbols (including flag, anthem, language, map and calendar); Politics and government (including political history, political system, political personality, revolution and type of government, sacred defense); and religion (including religious elders, religious rituals and holy places) are divided. Then, based on our understanding of the three emotional, cognitive and metacognitive aspects in the framework of cognitive theory, we placed these components and its indicators in one of these three aspects to find out through which aspect (emotional, cognitive or metacognitive) the symbols of national identity. Children are induced.

Based on the results of the content analysis of the target textbooks, out of 129 examined phrases and questions, 62 had an emotional aspect; That is, by using values and an epic and emotional narrative, they expressed and explained the components of national identity. 42 cases had a cognitive aspect; That is, their centrality was the narrative and historical aspects and students' familiarity with a topic, concept or historical event; Here, the emotional aspect (sadness, happiness, etc.) is not a priority and it is only for familiarization and awareness. 25 items were metacognitive; That is, the function of the components, concepts, and their role in shaping the national identity was considered, which was mostly expressed in the form of questions and analysis, which confirmed the initial assumption of the research as the emotional representation of the components of the national identity and paying less attention to the cognitive and metacognitive dimensions. About the second hypothesis, it should be noted that the priority of national identity representation in textbooks is not functional and metacognitive, and this approach does not form the basis of national identity representation in primary school textbooks, but more on the emotional and cognitive aspect centered on the historical narrative. has been discussed and has an essentialist approach rather than a metacognitive and functional one. In fact, in the textbooks, the narrative and emotional aspects of some concepts are emphasized, and the functions and application of the national identity components in shaping the national identity have not been paid much attention. Most of the components of national identity were only emotional, and its function and importance were not properly explained, and it did not lead to the formation of a whole unit called national identity, and did not create a duty in students to preserve and continue the concepts and heritage presented, and only tried to show acceptance. Giving these concepts was done by emphasizing the emotional and value aspects of the concepts.

By examining the results of the research, it can be seen that national identity is not represented in textbooks based on cognitive and functional indicators, but often based on emotional indicators. in most cases, the emotional aspect is emphasized in religious components. For example, in the representation of events and epic stories such as the incident of Karbala, the characters and events of the beginning of Islam, and stories such as Arash Kamangir, more emphasis is placed on the emotional and emotional aspect, and on the cognitive and functional aspects of standing and resistance and the role of such stories in the formation of national identity throughout history and not mentioned. Therefore, instead of children and teenagers getting to know the cognitive and functional aspects of identity and its components and then deepening these functions using the emotional aspect, they get to know more about the emotional aspect of national identity and are unfamiliar with its function. This causes the education given about national identity to be ineffective because due to the lack of familiarity with the cognitive and functional aspects of national identity, students do not have an intellectual coherence and analytical framework. When faced with a stronger emotional stimulus that has a greater impact They replace the learned concepts and this is what causes the formation of value conflict and confused mentality of students. Therefore, elementary school textbooks should be revised from the perspective of characterizing and norming under identity politics, and the metacognitive aspect.

Knowing dimensions of the government's capacity in Iran is very important because after Islamic Revolution, economic activity of the government has expanded for many reasons and this problem has caused inefficiency in political and economic sectors of the country. The purpose of this research is to investigate causes of Iran's government inefficiency in formation and support of a powerful and independent private sector in the period from 1358 to 1384. In this research, the documentary method was used to collect data and the causal analysis method (process tracing technique) was used to determine effects of research variables. The results of research show that the political structure that emerged after victory of the 1957 revolution, with unequal distribution of wealth and creation of rent among groups close to their own intellectual space, removed other social and political groups from the competition. Ended the result of such a process will be the government's tools in hands of certain social groups in order to maintain and expand their interests. The political blockage created in the economic arena through tools such as creating ambiguity in laws and regulations and distorting transparency in competitive mechanisms followed and led to formation of government monopoly and inefficiency; continuation of such a process has made the formation of the independent private sector in the country face serious problems.

Recognizing and evaluating the currents of knowledge that carry political trends is one of the concerns of contemporary thinkers, and stepping in the path of this evaluation is impossible without theoretical reflection and effort to understand it. Among the currents of knowledge in the present era, there is the discussion of tradition, traditionalism, and neo-traditionalism. In order to enter into the discussion of tradition, according to the traditionalists, one should pay attention to the set of facts that include history, geography and philosophy. Traditionalists creditably relate the history of their reflections to the scope of human history. Therefore, we are faced with a kind of people of knowledge, from which political thought is extracted from this knowledge. Seyyed Hossein Nasr is also among those who are interested in the votes of these people and are trying to expand the traditional worldview. As a neo-traditionalist thinker, he has another exploration in this term. In the opinion of neo-traditionalists like Nasr, this knowledge has a divine origin and is focused on sacred knowledge, which is placed in the gem of tradition, and what is important for them are the benefits and fruits of tradition in life. This research is trying to discover the political thought of neo-traditionalists such as Nasr and to extract politics from the heart of the tradition that has divine origin in order to examine the benefits and fruits that neo-traditionalists say about it in the field of politics.to get Knowing the dimensions and coordinates of neo-traditionalism and discovering Nasr's political thought as a prominent neo-traditionalist thinker and understanding the differences and commonalities between traditionalism and neo-traditionalism is the main goal of this research. The main question of our research is how to draw the political thought of Seyed Hossein Nasr as the most prominent neo-traditionalist thinker? And how can the origin and general coordinates of Nasr's new traditionalism be represented according to his philosophical logic and how can his political thought be depicted? Our hypothesis is based on the fact that Seyyed Hossein Nasr's political thought was formed in the form of negation of modernity and criticism of popular political-religious traditionalism on the basis of the philosophical tradition of Hikmat Khaleda in the form of opposition to modernity on the one hand and criticism of political Islam on the other. Our other assumption is that the origin of Nasr's neo-traditionalism crystallized in the theory of Hekmat Khaleda, and it had the characteristics of responding to the crisis of modernity and eliminating the defects of the popular political-religious traditionalism. Seyyed Hossein Nasr's political thought was based on the foundation of anti-modernity, criticism of traditionalism, and criticism of the political Islamic discourse, and was represented politically in the form of the theory of monarchy. Our information gathering methods will be based on the type of research, library and document collection, and our main method in this research is exploratory. As its name suggests, this method seeks to explore (the political thought of neo-traditionalists and Nasr) the things that happen and questions about them. This method is especially useful when there is sufficient knowledge about a phenomenon. does not exist Therefore, the exploratory method can lead to a decision about whether the topic is worth researching or not.

The topic of Iranians' self-concept in relation to their government and nation has a profound connection to the study of identity, collective identity, and specifically national identity. All of these concepts are believed to shape an individual's perceptions and behavior. This specific topic, which encompasses more than just traditional expressions of nationalism, such as pride in shared ancestral, historical, and geographic ties, borders, language, culture, and other recognized components of national identity, serves as the focus of this research. The sense of belonging to a national identity is believed to have positive effects including enhancing social cohesion, ethical behavior, patriotism, hope, and trust. "Ibrahim Bey's Travelogue," a critically acclaimed work, is one of the most significant texts that captures the complexities of modern states and societies, particularly leading up to the Constitutional Revolution. It is a travelogue with intricate narrative elements that attempt to paint a detailed and insightful picture of the social and political circumstances of that era. At the same time, it also carefully compares Iranian and Western societies, highlighting the different ways in which they have evolved.The aim of this article is to analyze the most important themes in the Ibrahim Bey's Travelogue and their contribution to the formation of the utopian/dystopian image if Iranian self-concept. This research was conducted through a thematic analysis, involving the extraction of codes, categories, and themes from the first volume of the Ibrahim Bey's Travelogue, which is particularly significant from a political and social standpoint. For this purpose, a deductive approach was taken, based on the main issues which is Iranian Self-concept. Through this method that is a commonly used form of qualitative research often used in psychology and social sciences, a systematic and structured approach to analyzing and organizing data based on themes that emerge from the data is provided.After familiarizing with the data, which is the first step of thematic analysis, initial codes were generated from the main text. These initial codes then were divided into different categories based on the story line, the content of the book itself and the main issues of the research: Iranian Self-concept. In the third step, searching for themes was done after coding the data by finding patterns or themes that emerge from the data. These main themes were as below:Goals of change 2. Tools of change 3. Superior other 4. Inferior other 5. Character of the nationalist (Ibrahim Bey) 6. Depiction of the dystopia (the government and nation) 7. Depiction of the utopia (government and nation) 8. Past golden age of Iran 9. Factors leading to the existing unfortunate situation and 10. Definition of the law.The ultimate objective is to uncover a pattern of themes related to the Iranian state and nation that shape our current understanding of these concepts.The key finding emerges that the concept of "West" serves as the superior "other" in shaping the Iranian self-concept through the framework of cultural cringe and colonial mentality as a concept describing the feeling of inferiority and embarrassment that some individuals in colonized countries feel towards their own culture. According to this concept, individuals in these countries tend to perceive Western culture as superior and admire it, often at the expense of their own culture. This leads to a sense of self-hatred, which can negatively impact an individual's self-esteem and identity. Cultural cringe is often associated with colonial mentality, which describes the psychological effects of colonization on colonized peoples.  Cultural cringe also has a significant role in the field of postcolonial studies. Postcolonial studies is an interdisciplinary field which examines the legacies of colonialism and the ways in which colonized societies have struggled to define and assert their own identities. Cultural cringe is just one of the many ways in which colonial power and domination can impact colonized societies. It is important to understand that cultural cringe is not a universal experience, and that it is specific to particular colonized nations and cultures. Despite the negative portrayal of the West, anything that is associated with the superior other is seen as admirable and desirable, while characteristics related to the insider culture are perceived as negative and inferior. As a result, the Iranian state and nation are solely understood through the lens of adapting from this superior other, leading to the dismissal and rejection of insider experiences.This article suggests that the roots of today's cultural cringe can be traced back to the colonial mentality framework as expressed through the texts of that period. In particular, a romanticized relationship with the West played a central role in shaping Iranian identity. Therefore, it is crucial to critically analyze the past and understand the role of colonial narratives in shaping our current perspectives. While we may have come a long way since those early years, we cannot ignore the ongoing effects of colonial mentality and cultural cringe, which still impact our understanding of Iranian society today. The only way to effectively dismantle these problematic discourses is to create an inclusive and open space that recognizes the diversity of perspectives and experiences, which will enable us to develop a more nuanced understanding of Iranian identity and societal issues.

Iranshahi policy is rooted in the thought and structure of the Aancient Iranian governments. The idea of Iranshahi as the theoretical basis of the governments of Ancient Iran, despite the change and transformation affected by political, social, cultural and religious relations, continued until the modern era and at least until the period of new monarchies influenced by the western monarchical thoughts. With this basis, the purpose of this article is to examine the continuity of the Iranshahi policy in the Khwaja Nizam al-Molk Tosi thought during the Islamic era of the Seljuq dynasty. The method of this research is the speech act of Quinten Skinner and is based on the double understanding of the text and the formation platform of this text, although the data is collected in the form of a library. The findings of the research show that the Khwaja Nizam al-Molk book is not only influenced by the thought of Iranshahi, but this Ancient government model of Iran has been given a new formulation due to the combination with Islamic tradition, so that the king is God's chosen one and is placed at the top of the pyramid of power, and even the changes in the world are considered to be a function of the changes in the royal nature. The result of the research is that the politics of Iranshahi with the reading of Khwaja Nizam al-Molk, by preserving the structure and traditional elements of Iranshahi, seeks to gain, maintain and expand power and realize order and justice.

Most political systems have defined justice as one of their ideals. Naturally, this level of importance has called thinkers to ponder and think about it. Iranian culture, has considered justice in the form of the concept of "Daad" and classical Iranian texts have depicted its dimensions and coordinates in a way that has maintained its scientific and research value until now. Thus, the purpose of this article is to examine the place of "Daad" in the sphere of Iranian thought in comparison with the concepts of its family, such as justice and fairness. This article takes a new look at Shahnameh (Ferdowsi's book of poetry) with an interpretive method and tries to explore the concept of "Daad" from the perspective of political thought. Political thought is a form of thought that forms part of the building blocks of our contemporary political discourse (the language and concepts). And they offer deep insight into the nature of political life or debates in the justification and critique of political actions, state institutions, and public policy. The finding of this article is that "Daad" is a two-dimensional concept that considers both the material life of the people and the spiritual matter, which strengthens the heart relationship between the people and the ruler, popular satisfaction and in its most political form, popular legitimacy. The conclusion of the article is that the new attention to this native Iranian concept and the effort to institutionalize it can be an important step towards highlighting indigenization.

Ferdowsi's Shahnameh, according to most commentators, is the narrator of Iran's various and chronic wars with foreign enemies. But if we define the two consequences of writing Shahnameh as "unification" and "awareness" according to Ferdowsi's words, in a new interpretation, Ferdowsi can be seen as a critical narrator who deals with the issue of "internal conflict leading to the collapse of Iran" behind the narratives of the Shahnameh. The purpose of this article is to examine the "internal conflict" in Iran and criticize it in the Shahnameh. Thus, the main issue is how "internal conflict" as an issue of Iran in Ferdowsi's thought is presented in the Shahnameh? Based on the findings of the research and using the theme analysis method and Quentin Skinner's theory of intentional hermeneutics, the Shahnameh, while it is a wide range of ideas, in its entirety provides a critical plan of the Iranian action model focused on conflict. Behind the curtain of the epic battles of the warriors, it raises the issue of identity disintegration as a result of continuous conflicts and violent rivalries of Iranian tribes and families. Therefore, in the framework of Ferdowsi's critical view of the phenomenon of internal conflict in the history of Iran, the result of this study is to reveal the error of historical understanding and give a new interpretation of Ferdowsi's thought to understand the problem in the current situation

Neo-traditionalism, which is associated with the name of Sayed Hossein Nasr, despite its indebtedness to traditionalism, emerged after the Islamic Revolution and the rise of Islamic jurisprudence in Iran and tried to criticize it. According to Nasr, the connection between religion and government in Iran is not limited to the recent period, but kings have also considered themselves guardians of religion. Thus, the discourse of neo-traditionalism was formed in response to the two phenomena of modernity and the political Islam, and he believed that these two have led to the weakening of tradition, and therefore the theory of neo-traditionalism was highlighted to protect the tradition. Therefore, the main question of this article is how to represent the general origins and coordinates of the Nasr neo-traditionalism. The purpose of this article is to identify and infer the political thought of neo-traditionalism and its leading thinker, Sayed Hossein Nasr, especially his view of the government. The method of this study is qualitative content analysis of relevant texts and works.

Generally speaking, scientific understanding of social phenomena such as government has been based on the evidence and arguments, but in practice, some people have gone astray and changed their direction to pseudo-scientific understanding, to the extent that they can claim that "pseudo-science has replaced science." This article tries to analyze this statement. The purpose of the article is to study the pathology of government by examining their relationship with the indicators of science and pseudo-science. The article analyzes the data with the Meta-synthesize method. It seeks to put together and analyze the findings, examine them, discover the basic characteristics of the phenomena and combine them into a transformed whole with the aim of providing a new interpretation of the subject. The finding of this article is that the category of science/pseudo-science is a spectral phenomenon like any other human phenomenon, which means that the works written in the field of government all have both scientific aspects and pseudo-scientific aspects, but the difference is in the location in the spectrum. Some works are closer to the scientific spectrum, but some works are closer to the pseudo-scientific spectrum and their prominent aspect is pseudo-scientific. The result of this study is that the dominant aspect of government studies in Iran is mostly pseudo-scientific and they rely less on objective empirical evidence and philosophical arguments in their analysis, and therefore this harm causes a distorted understanding of the government as an institution of institutions and the most important political force in society.

The period of Sassanid rule in terms of religious history is the most important period of ancient Iran. In this period, the government takes on a completely religious aspect, and a great change takes place that affects the religion and national customs of the Iranians. Zoroastrian thought is very important in this period, so understanding Zoroastrian political thought is not possible without establishing a connection between the historical and political conditions of the formation and continuation of the Sassanid Empire and the linguistic paradigm of Zoroastrian political theology. Thus, first, the context and then the dominant linguistic paradigm in this historical period must be examined. The purpose of this article is to examine Zoroaster and his religion in the context of historical and political developments. The basis of this article is: to provide an analysis of the historical and political conditions of Iran in the Sassanid era, to study the political theology of Zarathustra as the dominant linguistic paradigm of that period, and to understand the political thought of the Prophet Zarathustra through this. The method of the article is John Pocock’s historiography in which history has a central place and by studying the historical and political context, on the one hand, and the dominant linguistic paradigms, on the other hand, a common context is formed between the historian or the reader and writer in which the mentioned text can be understood. Of course, efforts will be made to analyze these elements through the analysis of the content of the important book of Zoroaster, the Avesta. The findings of this article show that the religion of Zoroaster was the founder and shaper of the civilization of ancient Iran and the components of the linguistic paradigm of Zoroastrian political thought, called for the establishment of a strong and glorious prince in Iran. The article concludes that considering the historical-political conditions of Iran at the beginning of the Sassanid dynasty, and based on the linguistic paradigm of Zoroastrian political thought, ArdeshirBabakan used Zoroastrian religion to gain power and unite Iranians and also the country.

Political thought, in a sense, is a reflection on how power is produced and distributed in the sphere of polis. Thus, a thinker who suggests a framework for how power is produced and distributed could be counts of as a political thinkers. Accordingly, the purpose of this article is to extract the categories of sentence and obedience from the text of Gulistan with the aim of understanding the political dimensions of Saadi's thought. The findings of the study indicate that according to various codes, Saadi used the language of critical verbal actions and with a special look at the two concepts of political science, namely judgment and obedience, not only criticized the deplorable socio-political situation of his time. Data, but beyond that, has tried to criticize the most important part of old speech, especially that of Khajeh Nizam al-Mulk. Thus, in Saadi's view, in relation to and obedience, the subjects are removed and Sultan (king) is deposed.

The Idea of Iranshahi was a collection of ideas about politics, in Anceint Iran, and was reproduced in the thought of the Islamic thinkers such as Khaja Nizam al-Molk. Due to its relationship with religion, politics acquired a sacred nature and the king, as the representative of God, was distinguished from other members of the society. The Shah had the special task of establishing order and justice. Historically, the first of this royal system was created by the Medes, and the Achaemenids presented it as a complete universal system. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to know how this type of politics is reproduced in the thought of Khaja Nizam al-Mulk Tusi, who was the prime inister of the Seljuk government for thirty years. The data of the article, has been analyzed with the Quentin Skinner hermenutics. In this method, we concentrate on both the text and the context. The finding of the research is that by policy of Iranshahi, Khaja was to establish a balanced government, in which ruler had to expand order and justice in the society in order to maintain and extend his power. The result of the article is that the Shah of Iran should be thinking of maintaining power through order, justice, and religion expansion, and it is only in this way that he can overcome various crises.

In the twentieth century, with the publication of the works of Max Weber, Schmitt, Löwith, Voegelin, and Blumenberg, there was a great deal of interest in exploring the theological roots of modernity and modern political thought, and many of the leading texts of the early modern period were reinterpreted. This article seeks to highlight the importance of this concept in the history of political thought by addressing the theological foundations of the figure of "Katechon", first mentioned in Paul's Second Epistle to the Thessalonians. The main premise of the article is that modern political thought has always been rooted in Christian theology and has sought to legitimize itself by secularizing theological ideas. In the meantime, under the influence of Karl Schmitt and his particular and authoritarian reading of the concept of Katechon, political theology is often seen as blocking the project of liberation, but thinkers such as Agamben interpret the concept of Katechon under the concept of salvation. It paves the way for the democratic formulation of political theology.

Persian language, as the national language of the Iranian people, has a major role in the connection of their past, present and future and this is a proof for historical and political role of the language. But nowadays Persian language is facing challenges and difficulties which, if not diagnosed and solved, will damage national identity and continuity of national traditions. Thus, preservation and expansion of Persian language as one of the most important components of national identity has always been considered by Iranian politicians and also in major documents of the Islamic Republic of Iran including constitution, document of future perspective, development plan law and comprehensive scientific documents etc. and policies have been provided to achieve that. But despite of design and implementation of policies regarded to this issue, implementation of the policies has faced shortcomings and thus failed to achieve satisfying results. Therefore, this article aims to indicate failure factors of implementation of these policies based on fifth development plan experiences, by asking this question that how the approach and implementation of fifth development plan led to loss of satisfying results in implementation of language policies. The method used in this article is thematic analysis which is one of qualitative methods and its data is obtained from library and documentary data. The final result of this research is that the issues and problems facing the Persian language are malignant political issues, also the method of implementing policies related to the Persian language has been based on an authoritarian approach, which has led to the failure of national language policy to achieve its goals.

In the popular view of the medieval letters, the reconstruction of Shah Armanichr('39')s thought is considered, but in most of the outstanding works of this intellectual tradition, there are signs of a break from the concept of Farreh Izadi and the tendency to a conventional view of politics and government. Hence, the analysis of prominent medieval letters of advice from the perspective of political thought can be the prelude to a modern interpretation of the tradition of advice. Political thought is a rational reflection on the method of production and distribution of power in the context of Medina and provides a framework of the relationship between judgment and obedience. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to extract the categories related to the concepts of judgment and obedience from the text of Qaboosnameh of Amir Ansar al-Machr('39')ali Kikavous Ibn Iskander Ibn Qaboos Ibn Vashmigir Ibn Ziar with special emphasis on the forty-second chapter and analyze them from this perspective to understand the dimensions of Qaboosnameh political thought; A letter of advice that comprehensively and practically expresses the right way to behave in life. The findings of the study indicate that the supreme element casts doubt on the most important part of the ancientschr('39') discourse on politics, namely the divine election and providence of kings, and on a practical and customary basis considers the management of affairs as a factor in the stability of government.

From the Sassanid period to the mid-Qajar period, a form of state in Iran emerged that not only did not hold itself accountable towards the people, but also demanded the citizens to obey the state under any condition as this earthly state was connected to the heavenly kingdom. This article aims at investigating the moment of dissociation from this state form, a dividing moment prior to which the state was considered a pre-modern state, and after which emerged the modern state in Iran. Intervention in the life and death of nationals, either in public or private spheres, is a prominent component of this state. Findings of the article suggest that the beginning of the emergence of modern state dates back to the seizures carried out by the state in the mid-Qajar period, and during the period of fatal cholera’s prevalence. Establishment of Dar ul-Funun University and focus on modern medicine and surgery disciplines, foundation of the first modern hospital in this period, formation of the Pasteur Institute for vaccine production, emphasis on water hygiene as the major cause of cholera were among the non-mythical acts by which the state interfered with the life and death of its citizens. In general, this study concludes that medicalization of Iranian society, and consequently state interference with the dignity of life and health of citizens were paradigms that triggered the impetus for certain movements in the state, and provided the factors required for transition from pre-modern to modern condition.

An Introduction to the Foundations and Products of Political Science in Iran Shoja Ahmadvand One of the major controversies among political scientists was the debate over the nature of political science. Some have made it a theoretical construct, in order to be able to provide an abstract framework for an objective phenomenon. But others have argued that political science is essentially abstract-practical knowledge because it was in the wind seeking better city and community management. This knowledge was twofold, on the one hand, seeking to understand the ends and objectives of the government, and on the other hand, seeking the appropriate means to fulfill those goals; therefore, it had both a functional and a theoretical aspect. However, its theoretical aspect has become more prominent today. In Iran, it has provided three full legal, religious, and bureaucratic foundations, in which the establishment of the Political Science School was set up with the goal of educating people to manage political negotiations on the verge of Iran-Russia wars, and better governance of the community and improving relations. External done. The situation that lasted until the Islamic Revolution. Gradually, with the rule of abstract approaches, this knowledge departed from its practical nature, and today it is an inappropriate knowledge that has failed to impose itself on the political, social, economic, and legal structures of the society for its better administration. The article suggests that in order to bring this science back into practice, it must provide the necessary conditions for the return to its foundations. Key Words: Iranian Political Thought, Just Community Theory, Iranshahi Theory, Bureaucratic State Theory

A controversial concept, state is a single denominator with diverse and multifaceted models, as well as a contentious phenomenon with numerous problems in meaning, concept and application. While some see the state as a phenomenon that dates back to the sixteenth century, others cite the state as a special form of government; therefore, in this sense, every social order requires the state. In ancient Iran, the concept of government and governance will only mean with the concept of a prince, as the institution of the prince in the Iranian thought is the ideal king. The present study seeks to examine the nature of government in ancient Iran as the first center of dynamism and emergence of government in the human world. In this study, the main question is on what basis was the nature of government in ancient Iran during the Achaemenid era? After answering the question, it is hypothesized that the nature of government in ancient Iran was based on Iranian ideology of an ideal king based on religious and moral purity, since Iranian morality and spirit were based on Zoroaster teachings and the Achaemenid kings represented their attributes of heavenly monarchy. This hypothesis has been processed by a historical sociology approach and an analysis of the nature of state during the Achaemenid period in a descriptive-analytic method.

The idea of Iran as a religious, cultural, and ethnic reality goes back as far as the end of the 6th century B.C.E. As a political idea, we first catch sight of it in the twenties of the 3rd century C.E. as an essential feature of Sasanian propaganda. Although, up until the end of the Parthian period, Iranian identity had an ethnic, linguistic, and religious value, it did not yet have a political import. The idea of an “Iranian” empire or kingdom is a purely Sasanian one. Third-century Iran was shaken by a conflict between universalism and nationalism that was most clearly manifest in the religious and cultural sphere. The outcome of this conflict is well known: the traditionalistic and nationalistic impulses gained the upper hand, and Manichean universalism succumbed to the nationalism of the Zoroastrian Magi. Iranian identity, which up to that point had been essentially of a cultural and religious nature, assumed a definite political value, placing Persia and the Persians at the center of the Ērān-šahr, in other words, at the center of a state based on the twin powers of throne and altar and sustained by an antiquarian and archaizing ideology.

Politics in its general sense is abstract-practical knowledge because it was in the first glance, better management of the city and society. This knowledge sought to understand the ends and objectives of the government, and also to seek the means to achieve those goals. Although its theoretical aspect has become more prominent today, this knowledge is essentially applied and problem-oriented. This utilitarianism, which is the dominant concept of political thought in the West, has emerged most of all in American society through the combination of past meanings and the birth of the concept of legalism. Political scientists in the United States, and even activists who formulate the legal and political foundations of the US government, adopted important elements of its four religious, philosophical, Anglo-Saxon and institutional roots. They formulated these elements, mainly in the context of European society, in a new system of law. The rule of law, the pursuit of material welfare in the context of public participation and satisfaction, and the centrality of material and economic welfare have led to important results that have led to the foundation of knowledge on empirical foundations and methods and ultimately to the emergence of applied knowledge from its inevitable consequences.

The theory of progress of constitutionality(Mashroutiat) which was aptly named “the new threshold” was aimed to lay the basis for constitutionalism by limiting the State. But the constitutionality didn’t last long and “the great misfortune” of the King Reza was formed out of it. Our question in the present research is the reason why all the great hopes of the constitutionalists and the intellectuals ran to waste and the historical reality that brought the country to the verge of destruction convinced the people that a central authoritarian state should be created. The explanation of the failure of the theory of progress is possible through the study of the relation between this era’s thought system, the thought tradition in Iran and the thought of the European Modernity. The fact that what eventually was the end of this thought system of constitutionalism in relation to the historical reality and consequences it had for Iran is the main aim of this article. The theory of progress-modernization in Iran had totally new epistemic foundations in comparison with the traditional “narratives” in Europe tried to constitute the Modernity on the basis of the western thought’s appearances. By reducing “the Metanarrative of Emancipation” in the thought of the European intellectuals they reduced that to freedom from despotism. Trying to find the legitimacy of these new institutions in tradition led to the formation of a returning model of the logic of transformation of the structure of political thought in Iran with which the political events conformed necessarily.

The article is trying to study the correlation between ideal, myth and power in the ideology of Zoroaster, Mani, and Mazdak. Zoroaster's thoughts led to form Sassanian Empire and the royal movement of Ardeshir Babakan. Mani and Mazdak who appeared as well known figures during the Sassanian period opposed to the empire. They benefited Qobad and Shahpour's support respectively. However, because of the lack of synergistic relationship between utopia and reality in their ideology, they failed and marginalized. On the other hand, there was a synergistic relationship between utopia and reality in Zoroastrianism, so it remained eternal and continued strong during the time. In addition to the disagreements with the Sassanian Empire, Mani and Mazdak's thoughts were in contradiction with Iran’s culture and social values on those days. So they could not last long. Thus, in this paper, we are seeking to answer the question of what connections there are between utopia and reality in the thoughts of Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, and Mazdakism. Our hypothesis is that the relation between utopia and reality in Zoroastrianism is more synergistic than Manichaeism and Mazdakism. The research applied analytical and descriptive approaches as well as historical studies. For this purpose, a theoretical framework about utopia and reality is firstly presented. Then the conditions necessary for the emergence of utopia in three schools of thought is reviewed. Finally, the connection of this binary concept – utopia and reality – at these schools of thought is tested.