عباس حاتمی

Many researchers believe that communication technologies in the new era have been able to influence many social, cultural and political phenomena. One of these communication technologies that has spread in the new era is social media. The purpose of this research is to investigate the direct and indirect effects of social media on one of the types of democratic political culture, i.e.postmaterialist democracy, which was proposed by Ronald Inglehart. In this research, in order to test the hypotheses of the research, the seventh wave of global values survey data about Iran, which was collected from 1499 citizens, was used. In this regard, the findings of the research show that social media has not directly had a significant impact on postmaterialist democracy. But this type of media can indirectly and through the mediating variable of emancipation values increase citizens' tendency towards postmaterialist democracy. On the other hand, the results show that social media, through the mediating variable of secular values, has significantly reduced the tendency towards trans-materialist democracy in Iran, and the mediating variable of secular values has a negative role in the relationship It plays with social media and postmaterialist democracy Many researchers believe that communication technologies in the new era have been able to influence many social, cultural and political phenomena. One of these communication technologies that has spread in the new era is social media. The purpose of this research is to investigate the direct and indirect effects of social media on one of the types of democratic political culture, i.e. transmaterialist democracy, which was proposed by Ronald Inglehart. In this research, in order to test the hypotheses of the research, the seventh wave of global values survey data about Iran, which was collected from 1499 citizens, was used. In this regard, the findings of the research show that social media has not directly had a significant impact on metamaterialist democracy. But this type of media can indirectly and through the mediating variable of emancipation values increase citizens' tendency towards metamaterialistic democracy. On the other hand, the results show that social media, through the mediating variable of secular values, has significantly reduced the tendency towards trans-materialist democracy in Iran, and the mediating variable of secular values has a negative role in the relationship It plays with social media and metamaterialist democracy.

According to Huntington, quantitative growth and qualitative change of a new middle class lead to the development of civil institutions and the decline of authoritarian symbols, and majority for political changes are supported. The question is that why the process of political changes has not been materialized in spite of this class increase in Saudi Arabia and Iraq? Based on the theory of transition to democracy and the comparative method, findings show that both countries are similar in increasing symbolic features of emerged middle classes, such as the development of higher education, bureaucracy and per capita income. However, due to cultural barriers, the rentier nature of the government, the patronage relationship, and the negative role of the external factor, any role in advancing democratization is excluded from this class, and tactical liberalization from above may lead to revolutionary change if democratic demands are not met, and may cause a general uprising. Political instability and structures imposed by American after the collapse of the Baathist regime are also responsible for dysfunction of this classes in Iraq in the establishment of democracy while Iraq has passed the first process of democratization by the collapse regime of Saddam and entered the second phase of democratic institutional consolidation, yet Saudi Arabia has faced serious barriers in her first phase.

This article attempts to compare thePolitical & Economic Components of political instability in the Islamic Republic's six political life spans from 1979 to 2013 through the seven variables of economic protests, guerrilla Wars, political division, foreign variables, coup, electoral disputes and internal riots. The first comparative finding of the paper is that among the seven variables studied, the guerrilla Wars, economic protests and coup variables had the least impact and the political divisibility variable had the most periodic effect on the occurrence of political instability. The second finding is that the first period had the highest frequency of variables causing political instability and the third period had the least frequency. The third finding of the paper is that the Components of instability have had dynamic and transient nature. As the variables of the guerrilla Wars, the political assassinations and coups that prevailed in the first period have replaced variables like electoral disputes from the fourth period onwards. And reflect the unstable nature of the components of political instability in Iran. Fourth, it shows that the component of political division, unlike other components, has always existed in all periods of political life of governments and reflects the stable nature of the components of political instability in Iran. Finally, by taking an explanatory approach, the article shows to what extent the historical aspects, nature and structure of the government and the actions of political agents have contributed to the stable & unstable nature of the components of political instability in Iran.

The present paper sought to analyze the ISIL's (Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant) reactionary movement in terms of sociology with an emphasis on Snow and Benford's framing theory. The main question of paper was what caused the rise, development and fall of the ISIL? Therefore, the present paper sought to answer this question by a deductive method and collecting information and library documents. Research findings indicated that, firstly, the framing theory provided a frame for perceiving the global mobilization of fighters in joining the ISIL. Secondly, factors such as the feeling of injustice about the status quo, the ISIL as a solution to the improvement of social status, and the accreditation of terrorist violence affected the identification of fighters. Thirdly, due to the competitive process among players and influencers in the field of collective action in the framing theory, coping challenges such as the opposition of state players, internal disputes between ISIL leaders and members, and the contradictions of opinion and practice emerged and created an area for the fall of the ISIL's reactionary movement. The key achievements of research included the strong relationship of sociology with terrorism and the growing attention to the interpretation of dissatisfaction and other thought elements such as supporting values and beliefs of a movement that was previously faced with a research gap.

Dual trends in social action and institutional forms are never fully resolved in one direction As a result, and ultimately, social structure must be seen as a fundamentally open and open subject. As the issue of political duels continues to wake up in today's Iranian society.From the nineteenth century onwards, Iranian society has been a quintessential character, embedded in an ontological and epistemological valuation. On this basis, the selected data, based on the method of historical sociology - "The strategy of using concepts to understand social history" by applying the relation of "self and other" concepts in Martin Buber's theory in the modern period of Iranian political tradition (period patrimonialism, era The constitution and the Pahlavi period are discussed. The findings can be verified in the context of a geometric analysis model derived from the "I-you" and "I-it" relationships; Consequences of the interaction of the "I-you" relationship include the "acceptance" paradigm, such as: the interactive interaction of the dual area of society and religion in Iran during the period of patrimonialism, And the "deconstruction" pattern, such as: refining and refining the notions of couplehood and presence; as the common constitutional dual. The communication implications of the "I-IT" relationship also include the "contrast" pattern, such as the confrontation of religious and customary matters, As the constitution is being drafted and amended, The Dual of Revolutionary Practice and Reformist Thought in the Second Pahlavi Period. The pattern of "rejection of both meanings", such as the dual rejection of religion and ideology in the Pahlavi era and the attempt to find a third way.This research sought to find Iran's dual historical contexts and structures, Provide context for presenting patterns of current dual mentalities such as Utopianism / Realism; Reformism / Fundamentalism; Inaction / Intolerance ... To provide the political stability in Iran today.

Biogas is the mixture of gases produced by the breakdown of organic matter in the absence of oxygen. Biogas can be produced from raw materials such as agricultural waste, manure, municipal waste, plant material, sewage, green waste or food waste. The purpose of this study was investigation the feasibility of biogas production from domestic wastewater in an industrial unit. In this research, firstly the characteristics, production sources, importance, usage and models of biogas production systems were studied. Then, the calculations related to the amount of biogas production of the mentioned industry were performed based on influent and effluent wastewater flow rate and biological tests. According to the results, because of the low flow rate of influent wastewater, the amount of produced biogas production was not considerable and it could not supply the heating/cooling demand of the industrial unit and only the electrical energy of the lighting of the area will be supplied by the energy of produced biogas. However, in terms of reducing greenhouse gas emissions, the production of liquid and solid contaminated solid fertilizers can be considered. However, if the wastewater is added to the wastewater of adjacent animal husbandry, poultry houses and slaughterhouses and the flow reaches at least 1300 m3 per day, the biogas production will be considerable and economical.

Based on Huntington’s theory of transition to democracy, it is expected to witness occurrence of democratic systems following the emergence of a new middle class. The main purpose of the present study is to analyze the role of the new middle class in the transition to democracy and review the reasons for not-materialization of the process of transition to democracy in Egypt and Bahrain, in spite of the rise of the new middle class in these countries.

By using Huntington’s theoretical framework, adopting a comparative method, and collecting information from ratified scientific resources and secondary data, this research comparatively analyzed the process of democratization in Egypt and Bahrain.

Findings of this article indicates that representations of the new middle class, such as the growth of per capita income, higher education, bureaucracy, and communication development indexes, as well as changes in social values, have been increased. However, the process of transition to democracy, in its different types of deformation, displacement, and disintegration, has encountered with serious obstacles in both countries.

Following the victory of the Egyptian revolution in February 2011, the firstphase of transition to democracy is successfully achieved by the collapse of Hosni Mubarak’s authoritarian regime. But, after the coup de ta against President Mohamed Morsi, the pseudo-authoritarianism of the Mubarak era was reproduced by military intervention on 3 July 2013, and the negative role played by external power. Also, entering to the second phase of "strengthening democratic institutions" has been aborted. Similarly, the process of democratization in Bahrain has been stopped in its first phase, that is, the overthrow of dictatorship rule, because of cultural barriers, the rentier nature of the state, and patron-client relationship existed between state and the new middle class.AlsoIn both countries, foreign agents have acted to reinforce authoritarianism.

In the political economy of terrorism, the methods of financing terrorist groups have become increasingly important. Using a comparative approach, this article seeks to answer the following questions:  1. What are the main sources of funding for ISIS and al-Qaeda?, 2. What are the similarities and differences between these terrorist groups in financing themselves?  And 3. Finally, what are the reasons for these differentiations and similarities?  Firstly, this article identified 14 sources of al-Qaeda and ISIS's revenue. Secondly, it showed that these terrorist groups had similarities in some areas, such as foreign financial support and hostage taking. Yet, in other cases, such as opium trafficking, antiques smuggling, oil and jewelry sales, b-ank robbery, their leaders’ personal wealth, charities and taxation some distinctions live. Thirdly, we identified that their main similarity was the variety of ways in which they financed. Fourthly, we argued that the reason for tendency of these groups' to diversify their financial resource was the reduction of foreign assistance to these groups and the necessity of seeking private micro resources. It also facilitated the circumvention of national and international bottlenecks. Ultimately, it showed that some of the differentiated aspects of their funding were due to their different contexts and environments, as well as their distinctive political structure.

The globalization and the development of the independent and interdependent discourses have been less considered in comparison to each other. The present study is influenced by the impact of globalization on development. It has chosen Roland Robertson from among the theorists in this field. This paper, with an emphasis on the social aspects of globalization, aims to compare the impact of globalization on the social development of the Islamic Republic of Iran in two administrations led by Khatami and Ahmadinejad from 1997 to 2013. Thus, the independent variable of this study will be the globalization and variability of the social development of Iran in these two administrations. In terms of the theoretical foundations in this research, the patterns of generalization of political development and social development are selected. The research hypothesis was looked at with regard to the world-leading statistics on social development in both administrations, Khatami's approach based on reform and global reform, and Ahmadinejad's approach based on indigenous and local criteria. The research method is comparative. Studies in the present paper show that the trend of globalization in both administrations has contributed to the growth and development of social aspects, and has greased the wheels for a different continuation of this process in Iran as compared to other countries.

This article has used the concept of explanation specified in Fairclough’s discourse analysis method to explain the mutual relationship between the New Middle Class and the Moderate Third Current in post Islamic revolutionary in Iran. For this purpose, first, we will draw up overall picture of the six elements of that current and then will analyze the relationship of these elements with the new middle class. So the normative )reproduction( or creative )trying to change( relation between these two variables will be the main question. Investigations show that the relationship between these elements and that class have been both normative and creative. That means the moderate third current can be considered as a part of the class struggle of the new middle class and also this current has not been able to represent all the wishes of that class and followed to change it. The new middle class has also been influential on the emergence and changes in the discourse of this current and it has been able to bring the discourse closer to its own ideals.

Logic of understanding dualism in Iran’s classical politics tradition Abstract This paper examines the logic of understanding Iran’s classical politics tradition interaction with dualism. The question is which pattern of confronting official or unofficial aspects of power with binary concepts can be formulated in the foregoing time period? The hypothesis is that logic of confrontation with binary concepts has not followed any generic, general or predetermined pattern and is a function of the concepts “self and the other” ratio frequency. To test the hypothesis, historical data of the classical period was chosen from ancient Iran, early and middle centauries of Islam based on Smelser approach and was discussed based on sociological historical survey method, the strategy of integration of concepts to understand history of sociology, with using the concepts “self and the other” ratio frequency in Martin Buber’s view. The research findings with the assumption of the “Ich-Du” and “Ich-Es” relations in “Self and the other” relationship has led to multiple patterns and are visualizable.

Party politics of states directly affects the lives of political parties. Countries can ban or allow them by legislating on them. These politics can also affect the effectiveness of political parties. However, in Iran, scholars and scientists of the political parties have often searched the causes of the ineffectiveness of political parties in cultural, social, and historical factors, and largely neglected the impact of state party politics on this ineffectiveness. Hence, this paper deals with this question: How the party politics of Islamic Republic of Iran affect the lives of political parties? This article seeks to analyze the dominant approach that exists in Iran's party politics. According to this article, the approach adopted in party politics of Islamic Republic of Iran to regulate the affairs of political parties, is an approach that not only not strengthens and not encourages them, but also always strives to limit and control them, and this hinders the formation and operation of real and effective parties.

  In recent years, the data and objective conditions indicate Iran's entry into a new era of environmental crises, especially in the water. According to United Nations indicators, Iran currently has a severe water crisis, because about 69% of the total annual renewable water used in the country .Also, according to statement political officials, if the water crisis Continuity, about 50 million people will be forced to migrate in Iran in the next 25 years, and the east and south of the country will be actually empty. Meanwhile, the eastern part of Isfahan is one of the areas that, despite the seriousness of the water crisis in it, has been less an issue of independent research. This research gap is that firstly, dehydration has led to unrest in the region at least in two periods, 2012 and 2017 respectively. Secondly, the three cities studied in this research, namely, Ziar, Ezhieh and Varzaneh are very important cities in the east of Isfahan. Thirdly, these three cities are Zayande rood legal and historic lords due to their occupation. Accordingly, the research seeks to understand the meaning of Ziar, Ezhieh and Varzaneh farmers on the water crisis with the Emic approach and using the method of Anselm Strauss and Juliet Corbin's theoretical approach, namely Grounded Theory. The questions of this research are: What causes or causes of water crisis from the perspective of the farmers of Ziar, Eziyeh and Varzaneh? What are the strategies of these farmers in confronting the water crisis? Finally, what are the consequences of the water crisis for farmers Ziar, Eziyeh and Varzaneh?

In this research, qualitative research method has been used. In this study, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 17 farmers from Ziar, Ezhieh and Varzaneh in eastern Isfahan in order to understand the participants' mental world. Sampling was done using purposeful sampling method and theoretical sampling was used to collect data. The sample size and data computation method are of theoretical saturation type. In our study, after 7 interviews, theoretical saturation was achieved, but to ensure more interviews were continued to 17 cases. In this research, simultaneously with the interviews, data coding began and then analyzed using the grounded theory. The data encryption consists of three steps: open coding, central coding, and selective coding. The method of validating the grounded theory is through "accreditation by members", "analytical comparison" and "audit technique".
In the present study, in the "open coding" stage, 35 initial concepts were extracted, then by central coding we transform them into abstract concepts in the form of 16 main categories. In the "selective coding" stage, according to the categories obtained, a "core category" was extracted which is considered to be the core of the research. This categories include: Unstable Development, Semi-Finished Project, Lack of National Approach, Lack of Law, The Weakness Political Authority, Economic Monopolies, Changing Climatic Conditions, Urban Migration, Political and Social Frustration, Negotiating with the Government, Rebellion, Increase in Poverty, Increasing Unproductive Businesses, Alternative Economic Strategies, Increasing the cleavage of Nation-State and Security Challenges.
In this study, "bad governance of water" as a core category of the contextual data was extracted. According to this category, the farmers of Ziar, Ezhieh and Varzaneh understand and interpret the changes that have been made in their lives, or water crisis as a phenomenon associated with the mismanagement of water. Issues such as unsustainable development, semi-integrated water development projects, lack of nationalism and lack of law, and the weakness of political authority all fall under water mismanagement or bad governance of water. Theoretically one of the finest analyzes in the field of economic governance of natural resources, including water, is the discussion of the political economist Elinor Ostrom. She showed how natural resources can be well managed from the groups they use and not the state. This view points out that local institutions are more effective elements in managing common natural resources. From this theoretical view, the study of Zayande rood water basin also shows that during the centuries, local exploiters of Zayande Rood River have been able to manage the sustainable management of this source based on the Sheikh Bahaei Scroll. However, the basin was gradually subjected to a state-owned regime, and thus, in addition to violate of the historic and legal rights, part of the Zayanderud was owned by the state. In this process, the Sheikh Bahaei Scroll, which was once the basis of the actions of the farmers and the sovereignty, was gradually abandoned and has become the place of conflict between the farmer and the state.
Finally we try to provide paradigm research model. Based on the research findings, the water crisis in eastern Isfahan is classified into three categories: causal, contextual and effective. Casual Conditions include Unstable Development, Contextual Conditions include lack of law, the weakness of political authority and changing climatic of conditions, Effective Conditions include Semi-Finished Project and Lack of National Approach. Also in this research the Process and Interactional are Urban Migration, Alternative Economic Strategies, Negotiating with the Government, Political and Social Frustration and Rebellion. And finally, Consequential include Increase in Poverty, Increasing Unproductive Businesses, Economic Monopolies, Widening the Cleavage of Nation-State and Security Challenges.

In this research, based on the paradigm model, the bad water Governance as the core category and the final answer to the research questions have been extracted. According to this category, the farmers of Ziar, Ezhieh and Varzaneh understand the water crisis as a phenomenon that is directly linked to the mismanagement of water by the government. In fact, the government has been seen as the main culprit for the water crisis by society, which has been the exclusive agent for water governance. This teaches us that collective action in material and economic life requires attention to the various institutional arrangements governing these actions. In the form of these actions, the state must have a fundamental understanding that it is only one of the institutions associated with material life and not only an exclusive entity in this field. But the government in Iran has shown that it has not done so in the Zayande rood Basin, and that is why it is known by the social structure to blame for the water crisis. Therefore, due to such an understanding in social structure, it is necessary for the government to provide a contextual platform for the perceptual gap to be adjusted. If this gap is wider and more active than before, it can further expand the cleavage between the government and the nation in Iran.

This paper critically examines the new institutionalism approach to defining and evaluating formal and informal institutions as well as providing policy prescriptions for developing countries with regard to two key challenges. The first challenge is the lack of theoretical consensus on the definition of institutions and, consequently, their extension from formal and ethical rules to executive mechanisms and political and economic institutions. The second challenge is the constraint on the measurement of informal institutions stemming from the characteristics of informal social levels in which institutions appear unplanned. For this reason new institutionalism scholars have largely avoided careful study of informal norms. Conceptual scattering, also, has made it almost impossible to provide a comprehensive definition of the entity.  Thus the lack of adequate focus on informal institutions has led to the neglect of this theory of gradual institutional change. In addition, due to the social overlap, many institutions are strongly correlated, making it difficult to discover a causal relationship between institutions and economic development. Theses conceptual and theoretical challenges hinder the development of a comprehensive policy agenda for developing countries. For this reason, some institutionalists emphasize the importance of adaptive institutions rather than adoptive ones.

This study aims at investigating impacts of social networks on the transformation of collective identities. The article sheds light on this issue by analyzing how using new technologies including social networks embraced by theories of Giddens and Castells can be influenced individuals’ identities. Our study populations are Isfahan city citizens which were selected 536 of them as a statistical sample by proportional quota sampling. In this regard, results reveal that social networks have both the greatest and the least effects on modern and national identities respectively through using different coefficients of determination (of 11.4% & 1.5%). But the research findings show that while some components of social networks have significant negative impacts on religious and national identities, duration of membership in virtual social networks as well as the realization of social networks’ contents has had positive impacts on their orientations towards the modern identity.

Based on traditional theories of re-emergence of power, governments use tools and institutions such as the school, the mass media, and other social institutions to try to reproduce the power and continuity of the existing political formations in society. On the other hand, cyberspace has changed the realms of action, which was once limited to the political geopolitics under the sovereignty of states, to the immutable fluid transformations. In the meantime, relations between civilians and political power have also been transformed. Considering this general transformation, the main question of the article is that the issues that exist in cyberspace to reproduce power by the government in Iran, what are the implications of these problems? Thus, the purpose of this paper is to identify issues It will face the government in the process of reproducing power in the form of generating meanings, and maintaining values ​​and norms in the era of cyber-domination. The data of this research were field and documentary and collected using unstructured interviews, expert questionnaire, phishing of texts and documents. Similarly, in analyzing this dispersed volume of information, Delphi's futuristic technique was used as a methodological framework of the paper. Based on this method, eight main factors and 14 components were identified as problems and consequences of cyberspace in reproduction of government power in Iran after the revolution. Ultimately, from the public policy point of view, the article contains an attitude that identifying existing issues can moreover enable policy makers in the country to have a deep understanding of the challenges of the process of reproduction of power in the new era the article contains an attitude that identifying existing issues can moreover enable policy makers in the country to have a deep understanding of the challenges of the process of reproduction of power in the new era.

This paper tries to analyze the growth of the index of economic and political globalization between the governments of Khatami and Ahmadinejad using secondary analysis of KOF Globalization Indexes. The findings of the paper firstly show that the growth of political and economic globalization in Khatami's government was 16.26 and 9.41 respectively, but under Ahmadinejad's government, this growth was 2.39 and less than one, namely, ./85 index, respectively. This means that the type of government in Iran has an impact on the degree of globalization. Secondly, our findings show that in both governments, an unbalanced globalization has been occurred in a similar way, in which the index of economic globalization under the governments of Khatami and Ahmadinejad were lagging behind of political globalization being respectively 28/15 and 39/6. Therefore, it shows that Iran's globalization depends on a more general category than the type of government. It was argued that this similar backwardness is less related to the type of government and is more influenced by similar inside consolidated structures. Therefore, it was suggested that in analyzing globalization studies in Iran, the analysis unit should be considered "inside" the country rather than the type of government. However, this analytical unit incorporates both the influence of the government and the consolidated historical structures outside the government. At the end, all these findings suggest that Iran's globalization is not an entirely external issue, but rather a flow that is largely connected to the "inside" of the country.

Salafi is considered as a radical trend tolerating some changes due to its interpretation out of the Islamic society and also the change the interpretation out of some concepts like Jihad, Takfiri, Hijrah or departure, blasphemy, Dar al- Kofr as well as the Ignorance during the various decades. Thanks to this property of radicalism in addition to the interpretation of Islam based on the wants of this trend, it has taken different forms in various areas of the world of Islam while its sample can be observed in Iraq and Syria in recent years.
The change in the interpretations of salafi refers to the different elements and the considerable part refers to the conceptual and identity elements. In this regard, the main question of the article is what the roles of conceptual and identity elements are on the development of salafi trend in Iraq and Syria. Nevertheless, many analyses refer to the historical elements of development of salafi and regional and trance regional authorities in the development of these groups in the aforementioned countries. Through the descriptive-analytical methods, this article mostly emphasizes on the role of internal elements in Iraq and Syria particularly the conceptual and identity elements in this regard.
Taking advantage of the current theoretical foundations in the constructivism approach, the present article illustrates that five elements have been effective on the development of salafi in the countries under the investigation: the five elements are the development of ignorance community assumption against Dar al- Kofr, the assumption of close enemy in Iraq and Syria, generalizing and personalizing the concept of Jihad, the concept of hijrah or emigration and emigrant salafi in Syria and Iraq, the Arabic-Islamic (traditional) assumption: Ba’th- salafi. This status finally clarifies the way of utilizing the grounds of constructivism towards its fulfillment in the analysis of aforementioned trends.

Cyber space is one of the most strategic issues of today's world and is considered the most challenging and up-to-date issue in the world. One of the strongest facets of virtual space is its impact on the political environment and, in particular, on the work of the government. On the other hand, one of the types of social-political gaps is the nation-state gap, which is of paramount importance today. Considering the exponential increase in the Internet using rate in Iran and the expansion of the use of cyberspace, along with increasing the provision of content in the political, social, cultural, economic areas, it is necessary to pay attention to its various dimensions and challenges. In this regard, the main question of the article is how did virtual space affect the gap of the nation-state in Iran between 2011 and 2017? The results of the research show that the hours of using or the time users spend in cyberspace can affect political trust and their mentality about political instability. The results of this study show that the use of cyberspace affects trust in institutions, and in particular trust in political actors, as well as the occurrence of some political instability. Therefore, cyberspace has affected the gap of the nation by influencing political trust and political instability.

By the 1960s, the argument was that economic phenomena were purely economic subjects. But since the 1970s, with the revival of interdisciplinary studies, a literature has emerged that argued political factors are effective on economic phenomena. Inspired by this literature and with the focus on the first decade of the Islamic Republic's political economy, this article attempts to indicate how the five political factors, including revolution, war, political instability, political fragmentations, and ultimately the social background of government have affected economic phenomena. To doing so, firstly, this article shows how the war reduced the government's oil revenues in the decade. Secondly, it explains how political instabilities led to a reduction in foreign investment in this period. Thirdly, by emphasizing political fragmentations, it reveals how this factor led to a lack of economic consensus among political elites. Finally, it becomes clear that how the social background of the revolutionary state helped to the emergence of populist economic policies in Iran that time. All these findings show how far were the economic phenomena influenced by political factors and reflected its requirements in the first decade of the revolution.

Discussion on the relation between theory and fact in political science as well as other sciences has been reduced to priority and posteriority of them and thus the pathology of this relation has been ignored. But, this paper by using the allegory of "Procrustes ' bed", firstly, emphasizing the pathology of this relationship. In this pathology, Procrustes ' bed refers to a situation in which researchers only selected or underscored the facts that they are compatible with their theory, but they ignored incompatible facts or modify them in such a way to be consistent with their theory. Secondly with criticizing this approach, see also Popper's falsification model a radical approach and finally argues for Lacatosian model.Thirdly by using of lakatosian method and analysis of the developments of three theories, namely, class theory of Marx, democratic peace theory of Kant and modernization theory, tries to offer a criteria that when we must falsify a theory or modify it. The paper argues when we confront with conflicting facts that challenge belt protective we can modify the theory and when we face with the same situation that hard core of theory was challenged we must falsify that theory. Finally, paper by resorting to cyclical method shows how the death of a theory leads to the birth of another theory.

Followed by the growth of urbanization, new concepts such as citizenship and civil rights have entered the political discourse of countries. Putting rights and obligations on society and state, such concepts distinguish the pre-modern human as a responsible person from the postmodern human as an entitled individual. In this regard, the vindication of civil rights can influence the political participation quantitatively and qualitatively. Therefore, the main aim of the current study was to investigate the relationship between the vindication of civil rights and political participation.
Based on a questionnaire, the research method was descriptive-survey. The research data were collected from different districts of Isfahan. SPSS was used to analyze the data, and 385 individuals filled out the questionnaires.
According to the research findings, there was no significant relationship between civil rights and limited political participation. However, there was a significant relationship between civil rights and consequential political participation. Furthermore, the vindication of social rights did not have a significant relationship with active political participation, although the vindication of civil and political rights had a significant relationship with active political relationship. Given the religious and value trend of political system in Iranian society and the role of religious institution after the Islamic Revolution in particular, it can be generally stated that the consequential political participation was observed in some parts of society on the one hand. On the other hand, the active political participation of some individuals was observed in society with respect to the growth of political consciousness.

In this paper, we seek to survey the relationship between principlism and conservatism in contemporary Iran. We use four hypotheses to demonstrate this relationship. In doing so, we classified conservatism into three dimensions, namely, economic, cultural and psychological conservatism and then survey its relationship with principlism. Our method research is a secondary analysis of data stemming from the fifth waves of the World Value Survey (WVS). Firstly, our analysis shows a significant positive correlation between the cultural dimension of conservatism or traditionalism and fundamentalism. Secondly, there is almost no relationship between two indices of psychological conservatism, namely, rule-following and need for security with the tendency to principlism. On the other hand, there is a significant negative and low correlation between economic conservatism and tendency to principlism so that even cause a small increase toward reformist. Thirdly, and regard to these findings, conservatism rather than shape only the political attitude of principlist, its separate elements disperse between principlist and reformist in Iran. Fourthly, this dispersion has led to conservatism fails to work in coherent, uniform and complex ideology and shape a conservative party in contemporary Iran.

In the paper, the how of Salafism appearance and development in Syria has been studied. In the study, Wendt`s social structure given in his constructive approach has been applied. On the basis of this approach, the three constructions related to immaterial agents, material agents and interests of Syria have been studied. In this way, therefore, the ground would be ready to assess the goal of immaterial agents and identity agents, physical environment and players` type of perceiving it as well as the four sources including ontological security, material security, development and consciousness in appearance and growth of Syrian crisis with regard to Salafist groups. In the paper, it has been hypothesized that pure material or immaterial agents may not be counted as agent for Syrian crisis and growth of Salafism there. The question of the study, therefore, follows as: constructivistly viewed, how has social construction of Syria and middle east been a cause for appearance and development of salafism in this country? The method of the study is analytico-descriptive.

By the late 1970s the association between politics and economics had been discussed by some structural Marxist thinkers in an abstract and subjective form. However, since the 1980s onwards, with the formation of interdisciplinary studies, the relationship between politics and economy was not either in an abstract form, and analyzed in an objective and practical manner. One of the major arguments in this area is the impact of economic factors on political relations. Inspired by such literature, the current article seeks to analyze the effectiveness of economic disputes on political relations, i.e. the impact of economy on politics at the second decade of the Iranian Revolution in 1979. Secondly, the article specifies that tools and mechanisms underlying such influence include government’s economic policies, and in particular, the first and second 5-year development plan and budget bills. Thirdly, the article shows that the influence of these economic factors on political relations is specified in two forms including traditional right inter-factional division and the coalition between modern right and modern left. The investigations indicate that how much politics in the second decade of the Islamic Revolution has been influenced by economy, thus political relations to what extent have been influenced by economic relations rather than being purely political in nature.