عباس منوچهری

The Constitutional (Mashrooteh) Period is considered the most important period in modern Iranian history concerning modernity. During this period, the Western world was not solely viewed in terms of its material and technological advancements but was also noted for its modern ideas and thoughts in various intellectual, political, and social forms. Although the concepts of "citizenship" and "republicanism" were not explicitly utilized in the text of the constitutional and its supplementary laws, this does not signify a lack of understanding of them among constitutionalists. Despite the historical traditions of "shari'a" and "monarchy" in Iran grappling with new concepts and defending their own existence, efforts were made within the constitutional and supplementary laws to preserve their influence and power by legalizing and institutionalizing them. Consequently, what transpired was the encounter of the ideas of "citizenship" and "republicanism," which meant emancipation from subjects' status and empowerment, leading to tension between the two main intellectual currents, resulting in resistance and diminishing reception. These concepts not only failed to institutionalize in the administrative realm but also did not develop substantially on a theoretical level.

"Social Revolutions" have been studied and analyzed in several areas of human-social studies, including in "historical sociology", “political sociology”, “social psychology”, and "social history". One of the major topics in the studies of "revolution" is the crises on the threshold of every revolution. As regards the crises, related to the Islamic Revolution of Iran, this issue has been studied and researched mainly with objectivist-positivist, or structuralist, and sometimes cultural approaches and methods. But there is no research on contextual crises from a "discursive" perspective. Research findings show that this was done by relying on Gadamer's dialectical approach to bring closer the intellectual horizon of the characters in question. Based on this, it can be said that the thoughts of all the evaluated thinkers in this research have identified the crisis of legitimacy, the crisis of inefficiency and the cultural-identity crisis in addition to the economic crises in the Iranian society. In addition to the heavy shadow of foreign colonialism and domestic tyranny, these thinkers have very cleverly reflected it in the form of books or films to examine the effectiveness of internal exploitation imposed by the social powerful, without the obvious anti-government political activity. and depict directness in their works. And in fact, each of them was somehow able to explain the current situation through the underlying crises of the past.

The critique of the progress-based philosophy of history has been one of the most significant themes of the contemporary political philosophy. It has revealed, In the aftermath of the researches that have accomplished in the field of post-colonial studies, that unilinear history has heavy eurocentric presuppositions that have been at the service of the real history of the suppression of the non-western excluded people. Furthermore the concrete elements of the dissolution of the western progress- based history of philosophy and accordingly the possibility of proposing the history of the excluded such as the decline of the colonialism and the formation of nation-states have been discussed in these researches. In this paper, however, firstly we are trying, on the basis of the Thought of contemporary philosopher Gianni Vattimo, to go beyond the merely concrete discussion about this topic and reveal the ontological impossibility of metaphysical/ universal and progress-based philosophy of history, through demonstrating the relation between progress-based philosophy of history and objectivistic metaphysics. Secondly, on the basis of this point and through the hermeneutic nihilism, we want to present the idea of post-history as the theoretical ground for the possibility of proposing the history of the excluded.

The purpose of this article is to answer the question of what is the position of the "non-western other" in the theory of "Axel Honet" and what are the aspects and coordinates of non-inclusion in Honet's theory of ethics.. Therefore, the first part of this article is devoted to the explanation of the fundamentals of Axel Honte's theory of ethics. The second part of the article is devoted to criticisms that have entered into the whole theory of Haunt. The focus of this part is to shed light on things regarding the exploited class and the humiliated gender, as well as doubting the liberating ability of the theory of values and its abstraction from the structures of domination and power. But in the third part, which is the main topic of the article, the value science is examined in connection with the non-western other. Finally, we try to explain the predicament of the non-western other, which is fundamentally invisible.

One of the fundamental problems of modern societies is the problem of "alienation"; For this reason, the analysis and explanation of this problem appears in the studies of many thinkers. Hannah Arendt is one of the political thinkers who, on the one hand, has considered the alienation of modern human in her studies, and on the other hand, has re-read and explained the concept of citizenship in its classical sense which is related to action. In this essay, after explaining the two concepts of "alienation from the world" and "citizenship" by Hannah Arendt, an attempt is made to answer the question of whether Arendt's theory of citizenship can be considered as an alternative to the situation of alienation from the world of modern human. It also claims that, in contrast to the alienation of modern human, Arendt's desirable human condition can be realized in terms of citizenship.

Upcoming doubts and challenges of 'growth theory' for development, and its uncertain pathway over the recent decades, have led to the consideration of the theory of 'human development', with guarantees and provisions such as ' development ethics' and 'the right to development', for realizing the advancement that its object is 'humans' and people. Nevertheless, since these pre-mentioned provisions from Amartya Sen’s standpoint ultimately require an understanding and interpretation of the "human" identity, and in the theory of "human development" this argument does not have the necessary theoretical adequacy, this article has attempted to be an intellectual aide by "existential anthropology" and “the human existential right" in the theory of human development.

This study sought to express the characteristics of Iranian governmental organizations. Properties are used to control corruption in governmental organizations in IRAN. Therefore, the purpose of the study was to elaborate the pattern of governmental organizations with emphasis on controlling corruption. To illustrate the appropriate model, the GTM research approach and emerging approach, which are qualitative methods, were used. The essential and binding basis of the GTM is the use of expert opinions, those with successful experience in this field. Thus, based on interviews with 22 managers of governmental organizations in IRAN who had successful experience in controlling corruption in their organization, the research continued and finally, using the steps outlined in the emerging approach, the research pattern was formed. The themes of the research to illustrate the model include transparency, formalization, ethical organizational culture, organizational evaluation and control, human resource management, leadership, teamwork and stakeholder management. But as Glaser puts it, without presenting a specific graphical pattern, only a set of words can be referenced, each of which can be a guide to the actual code and does not create effective value. However, the family of links or the so-called six theses became the perfect template for integrating the themes expressed and finally explaining the emerging graphical pattern of the research.

The relationship between political philosophy and development, as the creation of conditions that would lead to "life betterment", was marginalized in the beginnings of the development of modern political thought. Due to the influence of ideas such as utilitarianism and the market economy, the twentieth century witnessed the re-emergence of the concept of development as growth. The mentioned concept claimed what civic/political knowledge sought from the beginning, namely "Good living". This paper is an attempt to rebalance this situation by developing a theory of phronetic development based on the Aristotelian concept of phronesis. Using an implicative approach, the paper argues for using the concept of citizenship as the normative implication of phronetic development. In order to do so, the paper deconstructs economic growth theory, exposes its reductionist conception of development, and reestablishes the link between moral philosophy, economy, politics, and development. In this conception, democracy as public reasoning, participation as empowering citizens' phronesis, and freedom are the main constitutive elements of phronetic development. Therefore, appropriate policies and measures should be put in place to promote citizenship that induces phronetic development.

The dominant idea of development as economic growth has considered the formation of human capital for achieving the end of economic growth as the main function of higher education institutions in the development process. But the empirical failure of this overly simplified idea and the emergence of other critical development theories have brought the necessity of applying different policy priorities in reconsidering the role of key institutions such as higher education to the fore. The purpose of this article is to study human development theory from the viewpoint of political thought and extract its policy implications in the realm of higher education; Thus the implicative narrative theory has been used as a conceptual framework and implication research as a methodology. According to the findings of the article, the political thought of the human development theory by going beyond the binary of individual and society, structure and agency, fact and value, the private and common good, or state and market, has emphasized and concentrated on their complementary role in designing and evaluating a good society. In addition to the importance of higher education institutions in human capital formation for achieving the end of economic growth, human development theory highlights the other key and neglected functions of higher education such as developing freedom, democracy, and social justice in the development process.

With the unprecedented speed of diffusion, and with the unimagined persistence in disturbingly challenging human interaction from minute to mega level, the Covid -19 has now become a major preoccupation for experts as well as the lay people everywhere. Coronavirus has not only jeopardized human’s health, but has even more effectively disrupted human lifeworld in a limitless fashion. Simultaneously, it is also a fact that the time interval between pandemics is shortening and the density and destructive power of each new one is increasing. This means that humanity is not threatened only by a particular virus, but it is experiencing the situation of a devastating trend of intensifying pandemics. Obviously, there have been increasing attempts, scientifically and otherwise, to find answers regarding pandemics in general and for Coronavirus in particular. There is also a consensus that Coronavirus comes from wildlife and its threat for humanity is persistent.  But it seems that questions about possible ways and approaches to prevent or to resolve the riddle of pandemics requires something more than what paradigmatically dispersed and discursively confined “knowledge” of present Age can provide. This article is an attempt to encounter this phenomenon from an interdisciplinary standpoint. It is claimed here that all questions, fears, and anxieties regarding “Corona” can be answered if it is recognized that the contemporary Life/World has already been a world - in crisis due to the requirements of technicization the results of which are now fully manifested in apparently intrusive, but world- imbedded - deadly virus.

As a discursive framework, each development theory necessarily includes some interrelated characteristics whose implication would lead to a general theoretical system. The fundamental, the situational, the explanatory, and the normative are the four characteristics which together shape the implicational aspect of any development theory. Focusing on the fundamental implication, the present study attempts to show how a development theory might help in figuring out the developing criteria besides the strategic policy-making process via an intellectual understanding of the interrelation between the human-kind, the society, and history. In such doing, as a discursive-actual system, development theory would identify the present challenges in the society, and explain the roots of such critical situation. Here, we attempt to explain that in the fundamental aspect, such theory should avoid the metaphysical-positivistic approach, and apply a phronetic one in order to introduce a normative system of progress.

In his Nichomachean ethics, Aristotle has introduced Friendshiop (philia) as a civic virtue higher than justice. After Aristotle, Latin and Iranian thinkers articulated on the notions of “Amiticia” and “Dusti” as equivalent to Aristotel’s philia. In the modern times, while justice was regarded as legal system protecting individual rights, Friendship was reduced to a personal concern and was confined to private sphere of life. In recent time once again friendshiop has entered the intellectual melieu both in Iranian and German culture.  In this paper three models of Friendship, namely Phronetic, Erfanic, and Phenomenological, are analysed, and, according to what these models pertain to, it is suggested that as regards convergence, it can be brought about by Friendship more than by Justice.

Hannah Ardent as a political philosopher, offering the concept of “civic virtue” and criticizing Liberal democracy, tried to constitute a way of good life in her time. In her version of civic virtue, human as a citizen should be able to secure his/her liberty and equality, in a context of dialogue and interaction. On the other hand, Amartya Sen in his human development approach, tried to moralize economy in context of Political thought by taking a critical view toward the concept of modernization and economic development. Sen, with the concept of Empowerment, introduced development as freedom, and considered Empowerment as a road to freedom. This notion takes place in an equal and moral context in which each entity of humankind, besides being an agent and capable toward others, has the possibility of dialogue and discussion in democratic situation. In this article, we propose that how the concept of civic virtue in Hannah Ardent has related to human development approach in Amartya Sen, considering human agency in the context. Based on the mentioned question, we assume that the human development approach is in line with civic virtue; which in both the essential priority is human agency. We show that from a civic viewpoint, Empowerment in the context of understanding and interaction has common conceptual and practical grounds with civic virtue as citizenship responsibility in context of dialogue and interaction.

In the field of social sciences and humanities in the 1980s, the phenomenon of “globalization” as well as “civil society” were in the spotlight. Meanwhile, the ratio of these two together has been at the center of attention and analysis of various scholars. The concept of civil society in Iran was considered in the mid-seventies (the late 1990s). In this article, using the method of critical realism, the effect of globalization on civil institutions in Iran has been analyzed and it has been shown that between 1997 and 2011 there was no relation between the transformation of civil institutions and globalization in Iran. Critical Realism means that the real, that is, civil institutions, consists of three levels ontological, actuality and factual. Public institutions (participatory) are regarded as the ontological level of the real, social institutions as the actuality level of the real and political institutions as the factual level of the real.

The human capital theory has played an important role in the introduction and effectiveness of higher education in the development process. The purpose of this article is to study the human capital theory from the viewpoint of political thought and extract its policy implications in the realm of higher education; accordingly, the implicative narrative theory has been used as a conceptual framework and implication research as a methodology. The findings of this paper suggest that the human capital theory based upon utilitarianism provides theoretical and normative bases of an economic approach and market model in higher education. With an overemphasis on the economic dimension of education and giving priority to economic goals, the human capital theory has ignored many other non-economic and intrinsically important functions and goals of the higher education system. This allows the conclusion that the application of human capital theory in higher education suffers from the same reductionist view and shortcomings of utilitarianism, and does not have sufficient theoretical efficacy to offer a comprehensive and multi-dimensional image of the higher education system in the development process.

Although Amartya Sens capability approach initially emerged in academic area as a critique to normative and ethical economic foundations, especially welfare economics in 1980s, it has been employed extensively in the context of human development. One of the main concerns of this approach was the marginalization of human being from the axis of development and well-being and its main critique to others was to consider human as a passive being. Some critics have suggested that, although this approach attempted to introduce a new concept of human beings in economic area, it could not go beyond the current economical human of economics and it just provided more humane conception of development than development for human beings. The majority of criticisms of anthropological basis of Sens approach include three critiques of misinterpretation of human notion, being pre-socio political and methodological individualism. In this paper it's attempted to response to these three critiques based on the definition of agency which Sen has expanded in his approach and then design a theoretical-philosophical agency for misinterpretation anthropological foundation of capability approach by transition from agency (of actors) to citizenship.

The condition of success and reasons of failure of development strategies and plans, has been one of the most important “development studies” issues. It has been explained in different ways; such as that there is strong relationship between efficiency of development strategies and plans and development theories. According of paradigmatic-implicative theory, which has explained the relation of development theories and political thought and identifies the development theory as one of the practical implication of political thought, one of the conditions of success of development strategies and development plans can be referred to the political thought foundation. So we explore the political thought supporting the Basic Needs model. We use “qualitative content analysis” method for showing the political foundation of Basic Needs model, which is one of the most important development models In 1970s, is based on “the least advantaged are benefitted and not hurt or forgotten”, in correspondence with John Rawls's "Justice as Fair".

Many of the political thinker whose matters of concern were human and humanity, criticized the problems of modern society trying to find way out of such problems. One of the most important problems of the world today, is "alienation" which brings reduction for original citizenship and decay for humanity. Among those thinkers who have criticized the situation of alienation, one can mention Herbert Marcuse. According to Herbert Marcuse, realization of a better society depends on emancipation of subjects. From his point of view, the alienated man lives individually for that solidarity between such men has been suppressed effectively, where such solidarity is now the key of emancipation for the mankind. Herbert Marcuse by criticizing the problems of modern society and in contrast to the alienation of the human beings, prepare an alternative situation which contains the characteristics of original citizenship where people cooperate and have powerful links with one another instead of staying individual and isolated.

The capability approach has been the subject of increasingly enthusiastic enquiry in development studies and welfare economics over the last three decades. Although Amartya Sen's capability approach was born in the field of economics, it extended very soon to the humanities and to other social sciences. This approach has been applied in many areas and a practical version has been created. In spite of its development within social and political sciences, few efforts to extend it to the citizenship area have been made. This paper attempts to provide an answer to the question whether the capability approach includes elements sufficient for formulating a citizenship hypothesis. On the basis that every citizenship tradition encompasses two dimensions of right and responsibility, if these two concepts are embodied in the capability approach in such a way as to explain the relationship between individual and society, then we can claim that the capability approach has the potential of extending to the field of citizenship. We show that this approach, with its emphasis on elements like "moral right" and "committed responsibility", encompasses sufficient features for the development of "citizenship of capability".

Ancient Andarznameh and Nasihat al muluk are examples of the kind of political thought which can be called Nasihat Name. Such a discourse has been interpreted from various standpoints. This paper is aimed to indicate that as a genre in political thought¡ nasihat nameh is constituted by four constitutive elements of Du Boni (dual–based)¡ namely Nasihat ul Mulook – Nasihat ul Umoom¡ Religious – Political¡ Authority - Justice¡ and Ruler – Advisor.

The condition of success and reasons of failure of development strategies and plans, has been one of the most important “development studies” issues. It has been explained in different ways; such as that there is strong relationship between efficiency of development strategies and plans and development theories. paradigmatic-implicative theory, which has explained the relation of development theories and political thought and identify the development theory as one of the practical implication of political thought; one of the conditions of success of development strategies and development plans can refer to the political thought foundation. So we explore the political thought which support the Structural Adjustment model; which is the most important development model in 1980s. We use “qualitative content analysis” method in this paper to show that the political foundation of Structural Adjustment model is based on “libertization through rights protection”, in correspondence with Robert Nozick political thought.

The conditions of success and reasons for failure of development strategies and plans, are among the most important “development studies” issues. This has been explained in different ways: for example, there is a strong relationship between the efficiency of development strategies and plans and development theories. Based on paradigmatic-implicative theory, which explains the relationship between development theories and political thought and considers the development theory as one of the practical implications of political thought, a condition for the success of development strategies and development plans can be found to be rooted in the political thought foundation. Therefore, in the present article we explore the political thought supporting Rostow’s Stages of Economic Growth theory, as one of the oldest and most important development theories which in the 1960s resulted in understanding development as “growth”. We use qualitative content analysis method to show that the political foundation of Rostow’s Stages of Economic Growth theory is based on the principle of “the most utility for the most people” in accordance with Bentham’s utilitarian political thought.

The main objective of this research is the critique of the modern education in the light of Hanna Arendt’s educational thoughts. To achieve this goal, the descriptive-analytic method is used. In such a way that, at first, while reviewing Arendt’s thoughts, the concept and status of education in her thoughts has been studied. Then, the Modern education has been criticized in the light of her educational ideas. At the end, Desirable characteristics of education in Hannah Arendt’s view have been analyzed. The Findings from this study suggests that education in the age of modernity exposure to challenges such as the generation gap, conceptual reduction, the elimination of authenticity, incomplete growth and politicization. To deal with this problem, Hannah Arendt offers a desirable type of education that includes components such as intersubjectivity, authority-oriented, focused on growth, caring aspects and non-political.