عبدالرسول حسنی فر

Allama Iqbal is among the intellectuals whose political thought has influenced many thinkers and political movements in various countries, both during his lifetime and posthumously, particularly in Islamic countries. This article employs a descriptive-analytical approach to examine the impact of Allama Iqbal's political thought on the Jamiat-e-Islami (Islamic Society) and Harakat-e-Islami(Islamic Movement) of Afghanistan, two prominent Islamic-oriented parties in the country. The key aspects of Iqbal's political thought, including Islamic unity and awakening, anti-colonialism, independence, self-renewal, reform of religious and social thinking, and his utopia, have significantly influenced the recent political struggles of Muslim movements. By examining relevant texts and interviews with experts on the subject, it was explained that this influence was mostly through Iqbal's patriotic poems on the mentioned parties. Furthermore, it is revealed that the ideologues of these movements, namely Burhanuddin Rabbani and Ayatollah Mohseni, have been more influenced by Allama Iqbal's political thought compared to others. Overall, the aforementioned parties were also influenced by Iqbal's political thought through their own ideologues. Allama Iqbal, a prominent poet and thinker of the East, is one of the leaders of the religious reform movement whose thoughts and poetry have significantly influenced the intellectual and political currents in various countries, particularly among Muslim nations. An examination of Iqbal's works reveals several focal points that collectively shape his political thought, analyzing both the crises and their causes, as well as the ideal society and the pathways to achieve it. Iqbal held a particular affection for Afghanistan, a sentiment notably linked to the country's independence, which was achieved during his time through the resistance of its people against British forces. He regarded Afghanistan's independence as auspicious for the future of Muslims in India, thus placing his hopes on this land. He had a special admiration for Amanullah Khan and Nadir Shah (the kings of Afghanistan during Iqbal's era), which appears to stem from their roles in securing the country's independence during Amanullah Khan’s reign and Nadir Shah’s subsequent protection of it. Given Iqbal's connection with Afghanistan, his portrayal of this country, and his respect for its kings (Amanullah Khan and Nadir Shah), along with his status as a leading figure in the religious reform movement whose ideas—especially his political thought—have influenced many Islamist movements, it is essential to explore the impact of Iqbal's thoughts on the political landscape of Afghanistan in a standalone article. Therefore, the primary question of this paper is: What is the influence of Allama Iqbal's political thought on political movements in Afghanistan (particularly Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami)? This article employs a descriptive-analytical methodology. Initially, it describes, interprets, and analyzes existing data, followed by conclusions drawn from research questions. To conduct a thorough investigation of the topic, we first provide an overview of Allama Iqbal's political thought and subsequently examine its impact on Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami in Afghanistan. In gathering information, we first consulted Iqbal’s texts and poetry as well as other writings related to his political thought. Following this, we conducted an in-depth analysis of written works from Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami that pertain to this article’s subject matter, especially focusing on the works of ideologues from these movements, articles, and other published materials in newspapers and other publications associated with these parties. Additionally, interviews were conducted with several experts familiar with the political movements to understand better Iqbal's influence on them. Although most of Iqbal’s remaining works are poetic in nature, they all possess a political hue. Iqbal endeavored to address crises while proposing solutions within these works. In some instances, he describes the conditions of his time and society; in others, he articulates visions of an ideal society and pathways to achieve it. The foundation for this political thought lies within a pervasive crisis that has afflicted Muslim countries and deepened over time according to Iqbal’s perspective. Observing the plight of modern humanity and its challenges, particularly among Easterners—especially Muslims—and recognizing the multifaceted impacts of Western influence across various dimensions within Islamic lands underscored the urgent need for revitalization among people in both East and West. Factors such as atheism and secularism in the West and their impact on Eastern cultures, along with Muslims' lagging behind fundamental belief principles, inspired Iqbal’s formulation of his political ideas. To comprehend this description and Iqbal's proposed solutions to issues, some key themes in his political thought include: Unity and Islamic Awakening Iqbal's Perspective on the West Return to Self Revitalization of Religious Thought and Social Reform Iqbal's Ideal Society Considering these themes, Allama Iqbal's political thought has influenced various political movements in Afghanistan, particularly Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami. The impact of Iqbal's ideas on Jamiat-e Islami is most evident in the thoughts of Burhanuddin Rabbani, who led this movement for at least four decades. Rabbani was familiar with Iqbal and frequently referenced him in his speeches. For instance, during a speech regarding Kashmir's situation, he repeatedly addressed Iqbal directly and cited his poetry. Other prominent leaders within Jamiat-e Islami were also influenced by Allama Iqbal; for example, Ahmad Shah Massoud—national hero—had an affinity for poetry and occasionally recited Iqbal’s verses; similarly, Marshal Mohammad Qasim Fahim expressed particular admiration for Iqbal’s poetry and ideas. Furthermore, manifestations of Allama Iqbal's political thought can be observed in publications associated with Jamiat-e Islami Afghanistan, especially during periods of jihad and resistance. The publication of Iqbal’s heroic poetry in this party's journals undoubtedly served to bolster the morale of Mujahideen fighters while fostering unity among Afghan people as well as instilling an anti-colonial spirit among readers. The political ideas expressed by Allama Iqbal have also influenced poets within this movement; for instance, Mustamand—a poet associated with this group—prefers Iqbal above all others, noting that he was a poet for Islam whose verses were dedicated to awakening Muslims worldwide. Writers, scholars, and senior members of Jamiat-e Islami Afghanistan consider the influence of Allama Iqbal’s political thought on their movement both natural and commendable. They believe that Jamiat-e Islami has benefited more than any other group from Iqbal’s thoughts and poetry—especially during periods of jihad and resistance—drawing upon themes such as unity and awakening among Muslims as well as anti-colonialism. Similarly, Harakat-e Islami Afghanistan—the first Shia Islamist party that played a significant role during the Afghan people's jihad against communist rule—has also been influenced by Allama Iqbal's political thought. This movement was led by Ayatollah Mohseni—a distinguished Islamic scholar known for advocating unity among different sects within Islam—who was respected by Afghan people for his calls for unity and reconciliation among various Islamic sects. Although traces of Allama Iqbal’s political thought are evident within sections of Harakat-e Islami's manifesto—such as establishing an Islamic justice system based on Quranic laws combined with reason; rejecting colonial dependency; striving for Muslim unity; creating a powerful Islamic presence globally—this influence can also be observed through publications affiliated with this party during periods of jihad where various articles referenced Iqbal’s thoughts and poetry. Ayatollah Mohseni frequently cited Allama Iqbal’s ideas within his speeches and writings that conveyed messages about awakening, unity against foreign oppression, independence-seeking efforts alongside self-improvement initiatives aimed at societal reform. He acknowledged Western civilization as materially advanced while permitting its utilization but regarded Muslims as superior concerning philosophical foundations and ethical principles—a view shared by Allama Iqbal himself. The ideologue behind Harakat-e Islami (Ayatollah Mohseni) similarly identified excessive mysticism as one factor contributing to Muslim backwardness while emphasizing self-returning efforts towards societal reform akin to those advocated by Allama Iqbal—including equal rights for women. Overall, Allama Iqbal's political thought has profoundly impacted both Jamiat-e Islami and Harakat-e Islami Afghanistan—particularly during periods marked by jihad and resistance—primarily through his heroic poetry that continues to resonate deeply within these movements.

Afghanistan has many commonalities with Iran in various fields. But despite these commonalities, there are various challenges and obstacles in the path of convergence of these two countries. In the early years of the Pahlavi regime, the governments of Iran and Afghanistan postponed their fundamental differences to another time due to their efforts to stabilize their position, and for this purpose they signed the Saad Abad Treaty (Non-Aggression Pact). But the relations between the two countries did not last because Türkiye was too close to Iran. During the second Pahlavi period in the economic field, the relations between the two countries grew significantly, but the relations between the two countries faced a new challenge with the dispute over the rights of Abe Hirmand. After the victory of the Islamic revolution in Iran, there were ups and downs in the relations between the two countries. In the early years of the revolution and also during the period of the emergence of the Taliban in Afghanistan, the relations between the two countries were cut off. After the formation of the elected government in Afghanistan, the Islamic Republic of Iran, while supporting the government of this country, played an important role in the reconstruction of Afghanistan. However, despite the deep social relations between the two countries, efficient economic diplomacy has not dominated the relations between the two countries in any of the periods after and before the revolution. It seems that the lack of unity of opinion and coordination of the country's officials

This research aimed to explore the role of emotional and sexual betrayal within marital and emotional relationships on people’s trust. It is evident that betrayal in marital and emotional relationships can lead to significant personal and societal damages for both parties. Given the noticeable gap in studying this phenomenon in Zahedan County, which is influenced by specific cultural and ethnic conditions, this research tried to explore the role of betrayal on trust through semi-structured interviews with 32 young individuals in the city. This research was carried out using narrative analysis and according to Braun and Clarke’s method, keeping in mind the simultaneous data collection and analysis. The findings highlighted that betrayal may occur in relationships built on unstable and temporary emotions, with one partner experiencing personal and psychological weaknesses. Moreover, the occurrence of abnormal behaviors that arouse suspicion in the emotional partner, prompts self-control regarding betrayal. Ultimately, individuals who had experienced betrayal have their trust significantly compromised, leading to skepticism and distrust towards others. Moreover, emotional relationships involving betrayal may face serious disruptions, including separation and divorce.

It is obvious that the political behavior of a nation arises from the political culture of that society, which will determine their destiny, and their current situation is also a sign of the political culture that has been institutionalized in the past generations. This research has been conducted with the aim of investigating the place of political culture in the developments of Afghanistan, from the fall of the Taliban to their re-establishment. The data of this research was conducted through semi-structured interviews with 35 people of Afghan nationality. Interviews have been extracted and analyzed by the method of ground theory, coding, and then their themes. According to the findings of this research, the platform that was formed in the development of an ethnic political culture at all levels of the Afghan society, along with causes such as the weak and corrupt performance of the government and the intervention of factors resulting from the negative performance of political institutions, caused the strategy of the Afghan nation to respond to these conditions. , to express feelings of hatred and despair towards the government, and to lose hope and despair towards the government. The consequence of this process was that Afghanistan still has a long way to go to democracy due to lack of necessary social base and structural weakness. The result of this incorrect procedure was the preparation of the necessary conditions for the re-rule of the Taliban.

One of the problems with development is that the development programs are gender blind and that they do not pay attention to gender (women). Due to the lack of attention to gender considerations in development programs, the implementation of these programs has led to increased inequality and even poverty among women. So today poverty has become a category of women. Although women make up half of the world's population, this great power is expected to move the wheels of society by active in many economic, political, social and cultural activities in accordance with men. However, throughout history, women's social opportunities and opportunities have not been distributed in such a way that they can easily appear in the scenarios of living together with men and play a role without gender restriction, so the purpose of the present study is a profound role and participation. Women in the Algerian and Islamic Revolution are Iran. The results of the study show that obstacles and problems for women's political participation can be divided into two categories of structural limitations and non -structural constraints. . Structural barriers include the political system, cultural factors, and educational reasons. Women's academic constraints are also the most important non -structural obstacle.

The transition to democracy or even the beginning of the democratization process is affected by various factors that researchers have pointed out based on their theoretical tendencies: modernization, economic situation, external pressure, integration of trust networks in public policy, trust in the government. Institutions have been introduced as effective factors in the transition. Political culture, which is generally based on the link between politics, culture, and especially the influence of culture, beliefs and values in the cultural structure of political societies, is included in this matter. The participation of citizens in political issues and government affairs is very important in the establishment of the system and it requires the active participation of people in their destiny and their society with rational judgment for intervention and be effective in making decisions to achieve national goals and at the same time in determining public policies and how to govern the country. In the last hundred years, Afghanistan has gone through many periods to achieve the rule of law, the right to vote, the enjoyment of civil rights and liberties and the limitation of the powers of rulers and politicians to enact laws and constitutions.Research Question: This research seeks to answer the question that according to the political and cultural conditions of Afghanistan, what factors have hindered the transition to a democratic and participatory political culture?Research Hypothesis: Due to the structural weaknesses and widespread administrative corruption of Afghanistan's previous political system, democracy has had less opportunity to grow and spread in this country.

In this research, due to the researcher's inability to travel to Afghanistan after the Taliban took control of this country, it was not possible to identify a statistically significant population for the survey. Therefore, interviews were conducted with selected individuals by asking a series of questions. The interview consisted of 17 questions and a personal information table. Factors that were important for the interviews included indicators such as gender, religion, ethnicity, literacy level and residence in Afghanistan. Therefore, people were identified who were either living in Afghanistan or recently immigrated from Afghanistan or came to Iran for a trip. After providing necessary infrastructure for conducting the interviews and identifying the selected individuals, the data for this study were collected through semi-structured interviews, the sample size of this study.In this study, through open coding, more than 120 concepts were extracted from meaningful sentences. These concepts were combined in 22 subcategories and 13 main categories and a final core category, "Obstacles to Participatory and Democratic Political Culture in Afghanistan," was extracted from all the main categories.

In this research, the central and fundamental issue that always emerges from the data and to which all other main issues are related is "obstacles to a participatory and democratic political culture in Afghanistan". The central phenomenon of this study explains what obstacles prevent the establishment of a democratic and participatory political culture in Afghanistan. Additionally, because the central phenomenon is constructed from key concepts such as "inefficiency of the national government in the context of historical developments", "weakness of national and local political institutions", "marginalization and elimination of women and political elites in society", "political passivity and disillusionment of people in the shadow of a rent-seeking and independent government", and "lack of political outlook growth and structural and administrative corruption as barriers to democracy", it is called "obstacles to a participatory and democratic political culture in Afghanistan."

The main concern of this research is to identify the structural and mental obstacles that have prevented the democratization of the political system in Afghanistan for years. According to Huntington's action-oriented approach, which focuses on the analysis of factors preventing the transition to democracy, the structure of the non-democratic political system of Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021, with fewer opportunities for political expansion and development within the framework of democracy, can be viewed from the perspective of nationalism. He has analyzed monopolization, administrative corruption and rent-seeking, suppression of political parties and organizations, lack of rule of law, unhealthy and non-transparent elections, and factors of this kind, all of which contribute to the failure to transition to a democratic and participatory political culture in the country. An important point that is constantly visible under the comments of the participants and has been mentioned in the main and sub-categories, is the strong demand of the people to hold safe and transparent elections and of course to emphasize the constructive and effective activities of political institutions. Although the level of political participation in Afghanistan is low due to the above-mentioned reasons, the result of this research points to the lack of development of the desired political attitude of democracy in this country, therefore this does not mean that people feel the need for constructive and decisive participation in their political destiny. They don't have it, except that the maximum demand is to hold safe elections with the presence of candidates from various ethnic and religious spectrums, which will be postponed for the time being when the Taliban comes back to power. Successful democratization in Afghanistan depends on the existence of developed socio-economic structures with the condition of the presence of civil society, the positive role of foreign and international factors and the appropriate democratic model among political elites, which increases the possibility of achieving it. Without any of these elements, democratization will not take place.

Security has always been considered as the basis for the development of societies. The question is, what effect did the mass media have on the sense of security in Sistan and Baluchistan province? In response to this question, mass media have been investigated using descriptive-analytical method and information has been collected in a library form. In this regard, the role of mass media in the form of cinema and television and domestic and foreign news media has been investigated. Based on the findings of the research, the performance of the media in Sistan and Baluchistan province, both domestically and internationally, with symbolizing and creating negative images and presenting an image that does not match reality, including the symbol of drug trafficking, terrorism, poverty and deprivation in cinematographic works and highlighting The news with security issues in the news media and the representation of this province with ethnic and religious prejudices, separatism and extremism have acted as a factor reducing the sense of security and caused an unrealistic image of this province to be formed in public opinion.

Iran-Afghanistan relations have been based on many commonalities in history, culture and religion. During the Pahlavi regime, there was relative peace between the two countries and the rulers of the two countries had cordial relations with each other. The Islamic Revolution took place in Iran in 1978 and at the same time the people of Afghanistan called the new government of their country communist and infidel. Imam Khomeini introduced the Iranian Revolution as Islamic, which made the Islamic Revolution popular in Afghanistan and attracted supporters. Thesis seeks to introduce and explain economic diplomacy and to compare, evaluate and analyze the economic diplomacy of Iran and Afghanistan in the two Pahlavi and Islamic periods as a common interest-oriented and profitable element. Despite the cultural commonalities and the need for strong economic diplomacy between Iran and Afghanistan, due to the lack of attention to economic diplomacy and its inefficiency in relations between the two countries due to lack of unity of opinion and coordination of officials in determining priorities, lack of economic strategy. The impact of ideological factors and the role of other countries such as Pakistan, the United States, etc. on the relations between the two countries Effective economic diplomacy has not ruled the relations between the two countries so far. In order to create an effective diplomacy in the relations between the two countries, it is necessary to change our attitude both in the field of thought and strategy and in the field of implementation and operation.

Arts as centers of concentration of artistic activities in the contemporary period became one of the significant institutions in disseminating ideological developments. Meanwhile, the leftist discourse in the Pahlavi period became one of the most imperative discourses in the political and social atmosphere of Iranian society. The issue that can be raised here is how the left discourse approaches the fields of arts. The research method of the present study, based on the purpose of the research, it is divided into basic and applied methods. The present study is applied in terms of purpose; likewise, according to the main purpose of the inquiry in terms of the relationship between variables, this study is descriptive with an analytical approach. In other words, this study examines the current situation and systematically and methodically describes its current situation and studies its features and characteristics and, if necessary, examines the effect of variables on each other. The research findings indicate that the theoretical and ideological foundations in the artistic and political fields attempt to gain their political legitimacy. Political activists and members of the bureaucracy and individuals affiliated with the governing body and the left discourse beheld features and characteristics that were partly the product of the political system. In other words, a particular type of "political culture" in the ruling class of the Pahlavi era existed that could explain part of the behavior of the rulers and the policies of the government of this historical period.

1. Scrutinizing the position of leftist discourse on traditional strategy in the field of arts. 2. Examining the situation of artistic fields in the Pahlavi period.

Research questions: 

1. What was the approach of the left discourse in the Pahlavi period towards the artistic fields? 2. What was the situation of artistic fields in the Pahlavi period?

John Rawls offers a political definition of justice in the book “Political Liberalism” and believes that this definition, with the properties that he expresses for that, provides the necessary stability for the theory of justice as fairness. Political definition of justice that sometimes Rawls mentions as “Political justice”, changes the conditions of “Original Position” that is mentioned in the book “A Theory of Justice” guarantees the stability justice as fairness, but this action results in some contradictions. By reading Rawls' political justice, this article attempts to study the relationship between “Political justice” and the “Original Position”. The result of this study shows that Rawls' “political justice” have foundations that faces “Original Position” with contradictions, in such a way that removal of “Original Position” in “political liberalism” does not produce the problem.

Man’s behaviors and acts in each period are directly influenced by the ontological views and philosophical and religious principles of that period. Therefore, in order to understand the nature of such behaviors and acts, one might initially learn about the dominant ontological and epistemological principles of the time. One of such principles which is necessary for understanding human behavior and acts in each period pertains to the prevailing view of being and God, which directly affects one’s conduct in society. Given the necessity of cross-cultural knowledge in the contemporary era, the profound relationship between the Greeks and Iranians, and its effects on different aspects of their thoughts, the knowledge of the Greeks’ philosophical and behavioral principles could play a key role in the study of this cultural relationship. Accordingly, the present paper investigates the ontological views of the Greeks, their philosophical principles and, particularly, their views of God and the soul and the effect of such views on their behaviors and acts. In doing so, the authors have examined the ideas of three thinkers of the Greek era, namely, Homer, Socrates, and Plato, following an interpretive method. The results of this study indicate that the Greeks’ view of God in each period changed under the influence of the views of the thinkers of the time. In fact, Homer, Socrates, and Plato held distinct ideas in this regard. In Homer’s mythical view, Gods are like human heroes with human attributes and in transaction with human beings. However, in Socrates’s eye, God is a being who guides human beings and communicates with them through demons. Finally, in Plato’s philosophy, where polytheism moves toward monotheism, God, as the Idea of Good, is a transcendent Being who determines Man’s destiny and promulgates laws for their individual and social lives.

Many thinkers have designed a form of an ideal state in their thought. Plato, the Greek thinker, and Iqbal, the Islamic thinker, are among these thinkers who have designed a form of the ideal state in their thought. What these two thinkers have the fundamental differences in the ideal state are their way of looking at the relation between poetry and philosophy in ideal state.
This article with hermeneutic method attempts to explain the position of poetry and its relation with philosophy in Plato and Iqbal's views and on this basis, it deals with different view of the two thinkers on the poetry and philosophy.
Generally, Plato has a negative attitude toward poetry in ideal state, and considers Poetry and poets against Philosophy and philosophers while Iqbal thoroughly believes in the positive role of poetry in ideal state and with emphasizing the relation between poetry and philosophy, he considers the same the poet and philosopher based on purpose. The main reason for this difference is the method of viewpoint of these two thinkers towards poetry from the epistemic aspect. Plato does not consider poetry to be any knowledge and reality and therefore, in the ideal state that philosophers are ruling he orders the rejection of poetry and the banishment of poets from ideal state. But in Iqbal's thought, poetry has knowledge and reflects reality and even due to its profound influence, any further knowledge comes to the work of reforming the city and society. Therefore, with a deep link between the philosophic knowledge and poetry, the philosopher and poet are one in Iqbal's view and both of them have rational knowledge and their presence is essential for the ideal state.

The study investigates the explanatory power of Social Support Theory and differntal coercion in the field of social deciances.

This research has been carried out through a survey using questionnaire distributed among the student of Sistan and Baluchestan University. 400 students have selected through proportionate stratified sampling method. To measure of deviant behavior, four dimensions were considered. Validity of research measured by content validity and construct validity and reliability of research evaluated using Cronbach's alpha coefficient.

The regression results show that coercion has positive significant relation to deviant behavior. But this claim that social support moderated relation of coercion deviant behavior not confirmed. Also, coercion by increasing of delinquent peer groups and coercive ideation strengthen effect on deviant behavior. Whereas coercion by increasing anger and decreasing self-control don’t make to increase of deviant behavior.

There are three basic stages in human bio-life that include birth, marriage and death. The form of holding these ceremonies is different in each society, although inevitable similarities may be seen in two different societies. These steps are customary in all societies and lands. The ethnographic and comparative study of marriage patterns in the two lands of Iran and India, which have many common cultural and historical backgrounds, has not been done so far and the place of such research is empty.
Today necessity to know culture and civilization of own and discovery of their origin is obvious for all. As this matter is considered as soft power components. Even those countries which has less cultural backgrounds are trying to find their cultural origins. On this basis discovery and to know this cultural background and to find segregation forms and their unity with other nations are the necessities which the article tries to do it. Especially this necessity in both civilizations which is connected from long back is multiple.
According to this necessity, the main goal of this article is to research anthropologically the marriage ceremonies in Iran and India. In this way in the article two nations are comparatively compared, till the segregation forms and their unity to be cleared.
Research Using the experiences and observations of the authors and using existing valid sources, as well as collecting information by library method and analyzing and criticizing them, is the method of research in this paper. By using this method, it is expected that the roots of cultural and common affinities between Iranians and Indians, on the one hand, and showing the common points or differentiation in the marriage patterns in these two lands, on the other hand, are to be clarified.
The origins and dates of cultural relations between Iran and India should be sought during the period of the Aryan people's migration to Iran and the Indian subcontinent. When the Aryan tribes were looking for more and more pasture and nutrition resources, and the cold lands of the Caucasus Mountains had hardened their lives, they would inevitably migrate to the southern territories. A group of them went to Iran, and another one went to the eastern territories and then entered India.
What has been considered in this paper is the study of the aspects of sharing and analyzing the roots of consistency between these two cultures in this issue. The search for the common roots of these rituals and their ethnological analysis in these two countries, as well as the proximity of the form and content of their holding in the two lands of Iran and India, is a new look that this paper tries to do it. The ultimate goal of this study, in addition to answering the main question and finding the assumptions of this research, is to familiarize the peoples of the two communities with their contributions to one of the greatest common traditions (marriage).
In Iran according to environmental conditions, values and social habitude, the form of family and marriage are different. Historical and anthropological researches show that marriage and kinship had organized forms in Iran from long back. For some reasons like full blood or marriage people believed as relatives to each other and according to this kinship, restriction and boundaries they used to plan. In 1877 Lewis Henry Morgan with observation on priority of matrilineal against patrilineal systems concluded that after promiscuity which had in the begging a series of sexual relation restrictions between parents and children and after that between sisters and brothers were applicable. (Rouholamini M.1995.P.793). Iranian marriage ceremonies can be divided into two parts: one is related to marriage and the other one is related to wedding.
In India although people have different believes in tradition and rite and ceremonies of marriage but marriage institution among all Indians and other religions are unit, and in this connection marriage in most religious texts of India is considered as religious act. In general in India marriage ceremony is divided into two parts: first part is engagement ceremony which is called as Kormaay and second part is wedding ceremony which is called Lavan or Lava. In fact, the only thing which legitimate to sikh’s unity is this permission against holy book. After that bride and bridegroom start living together. Therefore, bride along bridegroom leave the father’s house and shifts to husband’s house. (Bajpai, 2011: 73-74; Sikh wedding booklets, 2015)
It is supposed that as a result of the Aryans migrated to southern territories, both large groups of immigrants who had common traditions and customs maintained the same rites and traditions in the territory of the new land and spread even among the indigenous peoples. Hence, the inevitable parallels and similarities between the marriages of Iranians and Indians up to today preserved their shape to a large extent, although the millennial in the ups and downs of history passed bitter and sweet stories in these two lands. Therefore, the reasons for the common cultural and historical aspects of these two territories should be found in the ethnic, racial, territorial, historical, mythological and religious roots of the Aryan tribes, who lived together for years and were forced to migrate and separated from each other in the second millennium BC.
Despite the differences and varieties on marriage ceremonies in Iran and India we can list here, some common trait and components.
1- Continuity of marriage and establishment of family in Iranian culture.
2- Fidelity to principle, believes and denegation of iconoclasm both in mate selection and performing marriage ceremony.
3- The axial family role specially father in mate selection.
4- Participation and cooperation.
5- Moving from extended family towards the nuclear family.
6- Endogamy marriage.
By performing this research we can conclude that in case of importance of establishment of family, manner and rituals in marriage ceremony, gifts, guest invitation and commemorations. They are many similarity and unity in marriage ceremonies in Iran and India which can provide a good cultural diplomacy in both countries.

Investigating the interactions between religion and politics, or in other words, the political role of clergy or religious forces is one of the most important subjects of Iran socity in recent centuries. Considering this fact that the process of modernization in many countries has helped to undermine religious traditions, phenomena such as Islamic Iranian revolution and the growth of Islamic fundamentalism have doubled the importance of this matter. This article, through a historical overview of the changes in Iran during Reza Shah and based on the theory of John Kenneth Galbraith, try to study the political role of the clergy in this period and their relationships with Reza shah. In this regard, two periods can be distinguished. In a period, the clergy have an active and outstanding political role and even in a kind of legitimacy of power and government. But in other period, their political role was weak and against Reza Shah. The difference between the political role of the clergy in the period of Reza Shah has a direct relationship with the resources and means of power of clergy on the one hand and Reza shah on the other hand.

The influence of the philosophical and physical life and, ultimately, death of Socrates over the history of philosophy is a turning point and a topic of deliberation for many thinkers. He is believed to be one of the few thinkers who has clearly demonstrated the concomitance and unity of theory and act. Socrates’ ethical propositions, which are clearly manifest in the practical aspects of his life, have promoted a number of challenges that are presently among the most important socio-political problems of our society and the world. One of such challenges and living problems in political thought is obeying the law and state decrees and its relationship with justice. This problem has been dramatically evaluated and tested by Socrates in the dialogue of Crito. While focusing on this work, in the present paper the writers aim to explore the dramatic conflict between law and justice through analyzing its various aspects. In fact, following a hermeneutic method, they inquire about the relationship between the law and justice even when the former is unfair and costs the life of human beings.

Although Socrates did not write a word and just sufficed to oral instruction during his life, Plato is considered among the best authors and literarians… through writings his different pieces of works. Plato spent most of his life on writing continuously and death was the only thing that stopped him. The result of this long period of writing is a collection of works with various topics and titles including defining moral virtues like Religiousness and courage and self-control to philosophical arguments about the universe, law and the government. Even though his works’ chronological order is not clear, Plato has written a lot of works about all these various topics. For instance, with regard to politics and governing, he also has written 'Republic", 'statesman', and 'Laws'. This collection with such a variety has made its understanding a bit complicated from some respects that this complicacy has led to some misunderstandings of Plato's thoughts. To avoid such misunderstandings requires one how to read and deal with them. Due to differences in the method of interpretation and dealing with text and subject of the classic period with the contemporary issues and problems, before discussing Plato's thoughts, this paper tries to focus on reading and dealing of Plato's works. Meanwhile, this study seeks a way to read Plato's works through investigating his writing style, complicacy and multi-dimensionality of his texts, viewing the artistic atmosphere of cities in Greece, using myth and allegory and showing the effects of socio-political status. The requirements of such interpretation shows in understanding Plato’s works, Questionable and hermeneutic dealing with texts can works, rather than having Strauss's esotericism.

Given its depth and width, Allamah Tabatabaii's socio-political thought can solve many current political problems in different societies. The theory of constructional perceptions is one of the most important foundations of his philosophical thought, which has exerted influence on his socio-political thought and somehow determines the orientation of his views. Considering the importance and necessity of discussing Allamah Tabatabaii's socio-political thought and its foundations, the present paper seeks to study the foundations and cognitive hypotheses of his political thought, one of the most important of which is the theory of constructional perceptions on the one hand, and the function of such an approach in socio-political thought, that is, how Allamah Tabatabaii views different political problems in the society including the origin of socio-intellectual difficulties, man, society, government and its ideal form, rule, justice and economy, on the other hand. It concludes that Allamah Tabatabaii's socio-political thought influenced by the theory of constructional perceptions has some capabilities based on which it opens a new space in the world of politics while being distinctive from relativistic thoughts, and has some results and functions which provide solutions for many current problems based on accepting multiplicity and change while being committed to the essential principles of Islam.

One of the issues which has united the ontological, epistemological, and anthropological dimensions of philosophical thought in the course of history and has continually affected and determined the related social and political directions and general trends is “order”. In other words, order enjoys three ontological, epistemological, and anthropological aspects with respect to political life in society and can function as the basis for the interpretation and formation of the history of philosophy. In Greek philosophy, order is one of the philosophical principles which, due to its influence over different schools of philosophy and philosophers during the whole history of philosophical thought, enjoys an important and unique role and status. The issue of order in Platonic philosophy proved to be a turning point in this regard. Accordingly, in this paper it has been tried to explore the philosophical concept of order from its epistemological, ontological, and anthropological aspects in the history of Greek philosophy ,in general, and in Platonic philosophy, in particular. The writers have also aimed to demonstrate its influence and directive role in Plato’s political philosophy. Therefore, following an analytic-descriptive method, they firstly cast a historical glance at the concept of order in the works of pre-Platonic thinkers. Then they investigate his general philosophy and, particularly, his political philosophy with respect to the above-mentioned dimensions while emphasizing his desirable political and educational systems based on his idea of order. Their findings indicate that a philosophical thought based on order might begin with a mythological and naturalist view; nevertheless, with the later development of human thought, it shifts its attention to a kind of order with mathematical, cosmological, and metaphysical tendencies. Following this process, the Platonic natural and mathematical view of order unites with a divine and virtuous view of order. Consequently, as both the context and basis of other virtues and also as the ultimate goal of philosophy, it develops a political-social form in connection with law.

One of the issues which has united the ontological, epistemological, and anthropological dimensions of philosophical thought in the course of history and has continually affected and determined the related social and political directions and general trends is “order”. In other words, order enjoys three ontological, epistemological, and anthropological aspects with respect to political life in society and can function as the basis for the interpretation and formation of the history of philosophy. In Greek philosophy, order is one of the philosophical principles which, due to its influence over different schools of philosophy and philosophers during the whole history of philosophical thought, enjoys an important and unique role and status. The issue of order in Platonic philosophy proved to be a turning point in this regard. Accordingly, in this paper it has been tried to explore the philosophical concept of order from its epistemological, ontological, and anthropological aspects in the history of Greek philosophy ,in general, and in Platonic philosophy, in particular. The writers have also aimed to demonstrate its influence and directive role in Plato’s political philosophy. Therefore, following an analytic-descriptive method, they firstly cast a historical glance at the concept of order in the works of pre-Platonic thinkers. Then they investigate his general philosophy and, particularly, his political philosophy with respect to the above-mentioned dimensions while emphasizing his desirable political and educational systems based on his idea of order. Their findings indicate that a philosophical thought based on order might begin with a mythological and naturalist view; nevertheless, with the later development of human thought, it shifts its attention to a kind of order with mathematical, cosmological, and metaphysical tendencies. Following this process, the Platonic natural and mathematical view of order unites with a divine and virtuous view of order. Consequently, as both the context and basis of other virtues and also as the ultimate goal of philosophy, it develops a political-social form in connection with law.

This article, which deals with Plato’s political thought in Laws, makes an attempt to study the position of law in Plato’s thought and its differences from philosopher’s governing with regard to Plato’s view on reason. In other words, it is going to examine the evolutionary process of Plato’s political thought and its epistemological foundations from philosopher’s governing to law governing. Therefore, this paper intends to show that the change in Plato’s epistemological formulation based on reason has led to the change of the content of his thought about various issues including political thought as well as the political organization of the city; and this very change can be seen in his writings when one goes from Republic to Laws. Regarding the philosopher’s problem in running a city, the result of Statesman and Laws is the necessity of law and managing the city based on a set of rules in which all the details are pointed out. Law is a keyword which Plato regards as the answer to the city problems and an alternative solution to the philosopher’s governing.

Due to the establishment of the new Islamic regime of Pakistan in the Indian subcontinent، the Islamists’ launched an attempt to build an Islamic government in this country. Abu al-Ala Maududi has been a prominent thinker whose thought inspired most of the Islamic groups in Pakistan، and by establishing the Jamaat-e-Islami Party (JIP)، he participated in the attempt. However، as the present study shows، while Maududi’s elitism failed to gain the mass support and the party has had little success in the popular political campaigns، in order to gain the public support it lost its revolutionary content and converted into a classic، political party and instead of producing Islamic revolutionists، it turned to play due to the rules of game in power struggle. In order to understand the Islamic، political parties and movements، in the present study it has been attempted to review the JIP’s experience in Pakistan through the content analysis of Maududi’s texts.

Plato, in his famous political opus, “Republic”, has formalized an Ideal state according to epistemological and ontological bases, which can be mentioned as the first comprehensive and coherent thought about politics. This Ideal state, from years ago, has been construed in different interpretations. The present article seeks to examine the distinctions of Plato’s Ideal state from others by reading this Ideal state on the sociopolitical context of classical Greece on the one hand and Plato’s intellectual and philosophical basics on the other hand. According to this reading, it seems that the sociopolitical characteristics of classical Greece and Plato’s intellectual and philosophical basics have caused that the Ideal (actual) state on Plato’s view be distinguished from any abstract Idealism, on the one hand, and Utopianism and Millenarianism on the other hand.

The impact of Plato in evolution of philosophical and political thought is so, that still current political, social and philosophical schools are being evaluated with his thought. The dialogue between Republic, Statesman and Laws are three of his most important works. These three works, especially, are so important in the field of political thought and by writing these works, Plato, is known as the founder of political thought. His different form and context are caused that his political thought would be interpreted differently. It seems that leaning on the theory of Transmission from political philosophy to politics in Plato’s thought and emplacing these three dialogues in their proper stance would solve most of the problems and help to enlightening dark aspects of his thoughts. Special attention to Statesman is among the features which distinguish the theory of transition from the others. According to this idea, Statesman dialogue intermediates Plato’s political philosophy in Republic and politics as well as one of the distinguished role in connective segments. In this article, we try to represent a more accurate interpretation of Plato’s political thought of transformation by reading and interpreting the statesman in virtue of `Transmission Theory` from political philosophy to politics.