محسن جمشیدی

The above research is of a fundamental type with a combination of survey and qualitative-interpretive methods with a descriptive-analytical approach and with random and systematic sampling, a specific statistical community has been analyzed and compiled in a specific theoretical and conceptual framework. The method of data collection And the data is also discussed in the statistical community in the combined method - library, questionnaire design and random sampling. It seems that the tendency to migrate in Yazd city among 18-30 year olds is a function of different variables and their sub-strains. The findings of the research show that the reasons for the tendency to migrate are the factors and sub-strains under discussion, including: economic factors (financial status, more and higher income, better and more suitable employment or vice versa, etc.), social factors age, sex, marital status, factors related to lifestyle, level of education and opportunities, transportation and communication services, social services and recreational facilities, etc.) that show the most motivation, political factors (idealism, development, civil society) political situation of the origin and destination of the immigrant, etc.) cultural factors (cultural development, education, culture of the origin and destination society, culture of the young immigrant family, etc.), environmental factors (climate, environmental conditions, environmental pollution, environmental diseases, the environmental situation of the Amari community, etc.) which shows the least motivation for migration, health and treatment factors (health tourism, health status, treatment status, medical development of the origin and destination, etc.) (sports factors) internal sports migration , international, temporary, permanent, etc.) that were analyzed in different tables.

As one of the foundations of the new political and social theory, the theories related to the subject try to answer a philosophical problem whose scope extends to the field of human sciences. Subject theory deals with the position of man in society as a structure. According to Cartesian reading, the modern subject is imagined as a self-fulfilling and independent unit from the world, which is independent from the world outside itself, and its relationship with the surrounding world looks like a relationship between subject and object. With the attacks of Marx and Nietzsche, the subject and the belief in the independent subject from the world were completely criticized until Nietzsche denied the idea of ​​"I", self-transparent mind. This trend was also strengthened by Heidegger and Freud, and they attacked subjectivism in two completely separate traditions. As a result of such developments and influenced by structuralism and linguistic theories, another image of the subject emerged.Such a dilemma caused social science theorists and philosophers to search for alternative ways to conceptualize the subject that does not suffer from the limitations faced by the predecessors. The alternative theory must simultaneously avoid the absolutization of the subject on the one hand, and on the other hand, negate the passivity and absolute acceptance of the subject. This theory should pay attention to both internal and individual factors of the subject and to external structural patterns. Therefore, this article intends to search for a structure of a theory of the subject in Mulla Sadra's philosophy, a prominent Muslim philosopher.

This article tries to investigate and conclude a theory about the subject in Mulla Sadra's philosophy by using the descriptive-analytic method.

 We claim that in Mulla Sadra's theories about "soul", there is a possibility to reconstruct a theory of the subject, which goes beyond the duality explained earlier. There is a structure in Mulla Sadra's opinions that can be a model for the transition from the duality of structure and absolute subject. In fact, our use of Mulla Sadra's philosophy is merely to provide an alternative understanding of the human subject. So, the implementation and translation of such a structure in the form of modern perspectives of contemporary social theory is a separate and yet important matter. The abstracted model from Mulla Sadra's views is a model that consider the subject as a "becoming" and a "substantial motion" on the one hand, and on the other hand, according to the place of existence in the consistency of the subject, presents a pattern of action-field based on the gradation of being. Therefore, Mulla Sadra's description of the subject leads to an explanation of the logic of the social matter; The logic whose outlines are presented in this article. Thus, we start the discussion from what is movement; Then we address the issue of the truth of man in the world of existence and Mulla Sadra's psychology; Then we will reach a subject theory based on Mulla Sadra's psychology.

New foreign policy approaches of the Islamic Republic of Iran in line with economic diplomacy In the international system (Iran's membership in the BRICS group: challenges, consequences, opportunities)Abstract: The BRICS group mainly has an economic discourse, but trying to move the world towards a multipolar system and contributing different countries, especially emerging powers, in international decision-making is one of its other goals, which is in line with Iran's interests and strategy in the international system. It is congruent. Now the problem is how Iran can optimally use this homogeneity (problem). What are the new approaches of Iran's foreign policy in line with economic diplomacy to overcome problems and remove international sanctions? It seems that one of the approaches of Iran's foreign policy to improve the economic situation in the conditions of international sanctions is to propose and pursue its membership in the BRICS international group, which will also monitor the challenges, consequences and opportunities for Iran (Question , hypothesis).The purpose of this research is to know the capacities and capabilities of the BRICS group and Iran's membership in it (Method-Objective). The findings show that the balance in the obligations that Iran accepts in the process of membership in this institution and the benefits that it has, especially in the conditions of sanctions It is necessary. The most important geo-economic advantage of Iran's membership in this institution is access to financial resources in the reserve mechanism and the new development bank of this institution (findings). 

Paying attention to defense infrastructure and combat power is one of the important requirements for long-term planning in the field of defense-security challenges. Now the question is, defense-security challenges and environmental conditions of future wars in the international system will be affected by what parameters? It seems that the environmental conditions and characteristics of future wars, due to the growth of emerging technologies and the undeniable influence on defense-security challenges, the atmosphere of wars will move towards hybrid, intelligent and fluid wars (question and hypothesis). The above research is of the future research type with a qualitative-interpretive method and a descriptive-analytical approach and through the available (library) data, defense challenges and possible wars in the next two decades in the international environment and their impact on the defense-security environment of the Islamic Republic of Iran. has analyzed (type, method and purpose of research). Although Esana will play the main role in the future, factors such as changes in the composition of actors, war environment and attention to intelligent systems will also affect the conditions of wars. The stunning growth of technology and communication, which we call the information revolution, is a powerful wave that will completely change the nature and characteristics of war and conflict (research findings and innovation).

The theoretical framework of foreign policy analysis to understand politics in the international system challenges the presuppositions related to integrated and intelligent actors. Iran's foreign policy during the past four decades has consisted of different possibilities and restrictions (problem) It seems that Iran's foreign policy strategy in the existing international order, in addition to trying to revive the JCPOA and using new and available tools such as geopolitical position, regional policies, smart power, trying to advance the goals defined in the axis of influence be (question, hypothesis). The above-mentioned research was analyzed and compiled with a qualitative-interpretive method and a descriptive-analytical approach. Also, the collection of information and data was done in a library and note-taking manner (method). The findings of the research show that Iran's foreign policy, by using its new tools in the post-JCPOA environment and the existing multifaceted order, leaves behind the hard and soft reading of the existing power in the previous periods, and aims towards an intelligent state of power. ( findings ). The above research gives an overview of the new tools of Iran's foreign policy strategy inenvironment and Iran's foreign policy strategy in the existing multifaceted order (purpose and importance of the research).

This research seeks to investigate the issue that to what extent the middle class will be the source of influence in crisis management and strategic security of Islamic governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran. It seems that the influence of the middle class in strategic security and crisis management (political, social, cultural, economic) by strengthening the influence signifiers in each of the mentioned components can lead to stability or instability. These components are endless. The above research is of a fundamental type and is presented with a qualitative-interpretive method and derivation of information through the available documents and the discussed data with a descriptive-analytical approach. The findings of the research show that: the stability or instability of the mentioned components, including the management of political crises through the creation of political legitimacy and dynamics of parties and non-governmental organizations, the management of social crises through the strengthening of civil society and social classes, management Cultural crises will be possible through the creation of cultural mechanisms and the strengthening of the field of education and the university, and the management of economic crises will also be possible through the strengthening and involvement of the private sector and codified and comprehensive programs. The purpose of this research is the impact of the middle class on the management of the aforementioned crises and security in the society.

Establishing sustainable international peace and security has been and will be one of the long-standing aspirations of mankind. Israel's relations with the Arab world have undergone dramatic changes over the past decades, from hostility and enmity to peace and reconciliation. This transformation has been the result of strengthening the regional and international position of the Zionist regime on the one hand, and weakening the Arab world and the retreat of Arab countries inward in the face of the social and economic problems they face on the other. The main question of the present study is whether the United Nations, considering its main mission, which has been to maintain sustainable international peace and security in the international system, has this mission entered the implementation phase in the Middle East region? It seems that, considering the presence of Israel in the Middle East region and the struggle for power by two different ideologies by the Zionist regime and the axis of resistance, the United Nations has not been able to even plan and implement the preliminaries of sustainable international peace and security. The present study is of an applied type and has been developed with a qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach. The purpose of this study is to analyze the ability of the United Nations to establish sustainable peace and security in the unstable Middle East region. The research findings confirm that as long as two opposing ideologies in the Middle East seek to gain power and superiority over the opposing group using different methods, the methods and strategies of the United Nations will not be implemented in this region.

One of the most Important issues that has attracted the attention of international system analysts from the perspective of strategic studies,This is the question of whether the United States of America, especially in the last decade, is an active liberal internationalist.He has said goodbye to the mentality that he is supposed to play the role of a hegemon in the international system and has moved towards another approach.It seems that in the third decade of the 21st century and even in the decades to come, the United States has abandoned the classic view and the implementation of hard power to secure its interests in the strategic area of West Asia to a large extent and is trying to use a proxy (balancing) ) and use it through aligned and united actors to advance their goals and strategy.The above research is of a fundamental type and with a qualitative-interpretive method and a descriptive-analytical approach and through the available data (library), the US military strategy in West Asia and the consequences that this strategy has for Iran as a regional power and an unbalanced actor. According to the Americans, it has been analyzed and investigated.

The New International Order After the end of the Cold War and following it, the aggressive internationalism of the United States of America at the beginning of the new millennium (September 11, 2001) created tremendous changes in the international system. The foreign policy strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the new millennium, in the shadow of the changes in the international system, is to become a regional hegemon and power. This research is of a fundamental type with a qualitative-interpretive method and inferring information through existing documents with a descriptive-analytical approach. Also, the collection of information and data has been done through a library. It seems that the new international order and the aggressive internationalism policy of the United States have influenced the foreign policy strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran by the major developments of the international system and explained its efforts to become a potential regional power. The findings of the research show that regionalism, Shiaism, and militarism are not Iran's ideological-security strategies, but they can explain Iran's foreign policy strategy at certain times in order to become a regional power. Iran's efforts to increase its regional role are aimed at increasing the country's relative security and soft power. The purpose of this research is to investigate the impact of the macro changes of the international system on Iran's foreign policy strategy in the new millennium.

The defense-security strategy of the countries is not possible without taking into account their ability, capability and behavioral orientation at the domestic, regional and international level in the field of foreign policy. The above research was of a fundamental type with a qualitative-interpretive method and inferring information through existing documents with a descriptive-analytical approach and gathering information and data through a library. It seems that Iran's defense-security strategy has a special importance and position in its foreign policy strategy in the region and axis under influence, and in the plans made and using the resources and parameters at its disposal, Iran is determined to be the first power. and potentially become the region (regional hegemon). The defense-security strategy in the military dimension by using its potential facilities and affected by parameters such as: expansion of security-defense borders (operational environment), proxy wars (strengthening aligned proxy groups), defense of Shia geopolitics (Shiaism) and advancement of field goals ( Military diplomacy (with the help of foreign policy strategy) in order to realize this important matter (regional hegemony) is the result of research findings. The purpose of this research is to investigate and analyze the role and position of the Islamic Republic of Iran's defense-security strategy in Iran's foreign policy strategy in the region and axis under influence.

The theorists of political studies and international relations believe that countries that are close to each other often have areas of overlapping political relations, and as a result, their foreign policy is strongly influenced by their neighbors. China considers the connection and normalization of relations between the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf and the Zionist regime as a contradiction in its foreign policy and international interests. The current research is of applied type and descriptive-analytical method, with the aim of influencing the peace plan of Ibrahim on the relationship of China's international interests on the Persian Gulf region and West Asia as the most strategic region in the Islamic world. The question is, what effect has the normalization of relations between the UAE and Israel had on China's international interests in the Persian Gulf? It seems that the normalization of relations between the UAE and Israel due to the closeness of this regime to the United States will face major challenges to China's interests in the Persian Gulf. The findings of the research show that, for the implementation of the cooperative security model in the Persian Gulf, preliminary solutions can include the following: regular periodic security talks at high and medium levels, building trust through agreements in the field of notifying military exercises, exchange of observers, exchange information and finally reaching agreements in the field of preventing accidents at sea and along the common borders, navigation in waterways and air, ensuring the security of shipping in the mouth of the Strait of Hormuz and active cooperation in preserving the environment of the region. 

By planning to normalize relations with the Arab countries of the region in the form of the Abraham Peace Treaty, the Zionist regime is trying to put pressure on its rival and enemy in the Middle East region, i.e. Iran (issue). The above research analyzes the effects of Israel's influence in the Middle East and its effect on Iran's axis of influence as the most important strategic competitor of this country (goal). It seems that Israel's attempt to normalize relations with the Arabs and expand its influence in the Middle East region (Iran's peripheral environment) is based on the balance of threats, prevention of regional influence and confrontation and reduction of Iran's strategic strength and depth in its national-regional environment. (Hypothesis). The current research is of a fundamental-applied type, with a qualitative-interpretive method and a descriptive-analytical approach and compiled in a library manner. Also, for the theoretical framework of this research, Stephen Walt's threat balance theory has been used (method, framework). Israel's strategic-security alignment with America and the Western-Arab alliance and Iran's identity-ideological conflicts with the existence of Israel, any increase in its presence in Iran's security environment in various ways such as political, military, economic security, cultural-social and technical and Technological is considered as a reduction of Iran's influence and influencing power, and it is naturally considered a threat to Iran's national-regional security in the area of influence (findings).

The effect of changing the strategy of the dominant hegemon in the West Asian region and changing the rules and the playing field is an important and influential issue on Iran's security-political environment. The main question of this research is what is the strategy of the United States in the period of Biden in the West Asian region and what effect does it have on Iran's national security? It seems that Biden's strategy towards Iran has changed from direct balancing to Offshore balancing. This strategy will also create opportunities such as Iran's greater freedom of action and leaving the country's hands free in the axis under its influence, and threats such as Iran's further isolation in its area of influence due to the unification of the Arab countries in the region with Israel (Ibrahim Peace Program). Handing over the West Asian region to regional allies and qualitatively monitoring it and prioritizing the fight against Iran's nuclear program is the most important strategy of the Biden government in the region. The current research was carried out with a descriptive-analytical approach and the method of data collection was library and using reliable internet sources.

In order to achieve its long-standing goals in the Middle East, the Zionist regime is using every possibility and means to realize the Greater Israel plan and implement it. The pressure is on its number one rival and enemy in the Middle East region, the Islamic Republic of Iran. It seems that Israel's attempt to normalize relations with the Arabs and expand its influence in the Middle East region (Iran's peripheral environment) is based on the balance of threats, preventing regional influence and confrontation and reducing the strategic strength and depth of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the national-regional environment. It is itself. In this research, a qualitative-interpretive method was used, with a descriptive-analytical approach. The findings of the research show that considering Israel's strategic-security alignment in the Middle East region with the United States of America and the value system of the Western alliance and the norms governing the international system and the identity-ideological conflicts of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the existence of the Israeli regime, any The increasing presence of Israel in Iran's security-surrounding environment in various political, military, economic, cultural-social, technical and technological aspects means a decrease in Iran's influence and influencing power, and is naturally considered a threat to its national-regional security.

The discussion about the nature and dimensions of thinking/reasoning as a fundamental issue has always been the concern of human beings and especially philosophers. In this article, an attempt has been made to discuss thinking in the literal and idiomatic sense, its place in Islamic philosophy and political philosophy, and for this purpose, the opinions of Farabi and Mulla Sadra have been referred to. The result is that, in Islamic philosophy, thinking can be understood in relation to ontology and placing man as a part of the pyramid of existence, and his thinking in such a system is aimed at happiness. Al-Farabi has discussed this issue under the discussion of the chain of intellects and its levels, and he considered the head of Madinah Utopia to be one of those who have reached the rank of "utilized intellect" and has divided the attainment of this rank into the types of Madinah. Mulla Sadra has also been guided to the same point in another way,

Iran-China relations, despite the parties' desire to expand and deepen relations in the form of Iran's acceptance into the Shanghai Organization, the conclusion of a 25-year contract and the purchase of Iranian oil by the Chinese government, have not enjoyed significant growth and development in practice. The present article seeks to investigate and answer the question, what factors prevent the practical expansion of bilateral relations and the increase of Iran's position in China's foreign policy? It seems that the role of structural and institutional-systemic factors affected by the atmosphere of the international system and the acting of these two countries in the system (against the existing order in the international system, especially Iran) has hindered the practical bilateral relations of these two countries. The findings of the research show that the role of western international sanctions against Iran, foreign investments in it, China-centered foreign policy and the role of international and regional variables in creating practical obstacles to the development of relations between Iran and China are more than before. . In this research, a qualitative-interpretive method was used, with a descriptive-analytical approach. The purpose of the above research is to analyze the causes and obstacles facing China's foreign policy to increase economic exchanges and develop political relations with Iran as much as possible.

Paying attention to defense infrastructure and combat power is one of the important requirements for long-term planning in the field of defense-security super-challenges. These challenges and environmental conditions of future wars in the international system will be affected by what parameters? It seems that the conditions and environmental characteristics of future wars, considering the growth of emerging technologies and its undeniable impact on defense-security challenges, the atmosphere of wars will move towards hybrid, intelligent and fluid wars. The stunning growth of technology and communication, which we call the information revolution, is a powerful wave that will change the nature and character of war and conflict in general. Factors such as changes in the composition of actors, war environment and attention to intelligent systems also affect the conditions of wars and consequently defense structures. This research is a prospective study with a qualitative-interpretive method and a descriptive-analytical approach, also through the available data (documents/library), defense challenges and possible wars in the next two decades in the international environment and their impact on the defense-security environment of the Islamic Republic of Iran. has been examined, analyzed and analyzed.

of the failure of the Constitutional Revolution in bringing about change in the political structure of Iranian society. Among the existing literature, what has been paid less attention and even neglected is an analysis of the objective conditions of society, institutions and socio-political forces in Iranian society on the eve of the Constitutional Revolution. This has led some writers to provide an abstract and non-concrete analysis of the reasons for the failure of the Constitutional Revolution. Using the ideas of Pierre Bourdieu and examining the objective conditions of Iranian society on the eve of the Constitutional Revolution, the authors have come to the conclusion that "the failure of the Constitution was due to the lack of forces to defend the ideas of the revolution objectively, concretely and more importantly." Due to the nature of the subject, library and documentary methods have been used for data collection and qualitative analysis method has been used for data analysis. In terms of the nature of this research, it is descriptive and historical

Undoubtedly, the intellectuals and thinkers of any society constitute an important and fundamental aspect of the material and spiritual life of that society. It would not be an exaggeration to equate the relationship between intellectuals-thinkers and society to the complicated link between the brain and the body. Life in society is not devoid of normative and cultural aspects, and in fact, it is subjected to spiritual and cultural values. Intellectuals and thinkers are concerned with, and influenced by, a multitude of questions including the following ones: What are these spiritual and cultural values? How can they be obtained? What are  the conditions for obtaining these values? How are they related to the current situation? How should the real situation be analyzed? What are its crises, and ups and downs?It is obvious that key political achievements such as the 1911 Constitutional Revolution and the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran would not have been possible without the roles played by Iranian intellectuals and thinkers. Accordingly, it is necessary to study the roles of intellectuals-scholars and to investigate the way they think for the purpose of better understanding a society. Seyyed Javad Tabatabai is one of the contemporary Iranian political thinkers who has influenced the mainstream intellectual and academic settings for nearly four decades. The analysis of political thought in modern Iran and particularly in the post-Islamic revolution era is an important topic for those scholars who intend to understand the Iranian history and society. What seems interesting in Tabatabai's thought and activities is his constant confrontation with other Iranian intellectuals and thinkers, who have attempted to open the door to the careful analysis of the work of other scholars, albeit with harsh but fundamental criticisms.The main research question is: How have Seyed Javad Tabatabai's intellectual and methodological aspects of thought affected his understanding of the theory of the decline of political thought in Iran, and the way out of this situation? In the research hypothesis, it is argued that Tabatabai's methodology and analytical model in his studies enabled him to show the historical decline of political thought in Iran, and to discover the factors which have impacts on this decline. One of the issues that has always been the subject of discussions related to Tabatabai is the knowledge of methodology and theoretical framework that gives life and direction to his outlook, and consequently to his works. The method used by Tabatabai in his works and those who follow his ideas has been the subject of many debates. What complicates this issue is his deliberate avoidance of introducing his intellectual sources, although the works of Hegel, even Kant, Foucault, Althusser, Strauss, Arendt, and Ranhart Kozlek have been cited as his intellectual sources. Only Tabatabai himself can confirm whether these conjectures are correct or not. However, the fact that these names are mentioned by those who have tried to find the theoretical roots of Tabatabai's research highlights an important point—which is the complexity of Tabatabai's thinking that has confused practically everyone.In this article, we try to explain his understanding of the role of theory in political thought with Heidegger's conceptualization of the work of art and the poet in order to better understand Tabatabai's thinking. We do not intend to argue that Tabatabai is influenced by Heidegger, and thus add a new name to the list of people who have been claimed to influence Tabatabai’s work. In this research, we use Heidegger's conceptualization of the work of art and the position of the poet and artist in order to have a model that explains some aspects of Tabatabai's viewpoint based on the elements of this model. We make use of Heidegger's theory, because we believe that it helps us to analyze Tabatabai's understanding of political and historical thought, his understanding of the relationship between tradition and modernity, and the reasons why he criticizes other Iranian intellectuals. Therefore, this is merely a way to examine and understand Tabatabai's views and has nothing to do with examination of his specific work. By using Martin Heidegger's conceptualization and theories about the work of art, the poet and artist, we try present a new understanding of Seyyed Javad Tabatabai's views on  the theory of decline of political thought in Iran. Based on Heidegger's language, Tabatabai's research on the question of "where do we stand?" as it relates to Iran, reveals his way of thinking. The issue of Iran as a mystery is a topic that Tabatabai believes has continued throughout the history of Iran, but has been expressed in a specific form in different time periods. This continuity requires careful analysis to unveil the mystery of Iran as discussed by Iranian thinkers throughout the history. The state of decline of political thought in Iran is rooted in the absence of historical awareness, and thus the way to confront the decline and to foster a new approach is to revive historiography and interest in the history of political thought.

Iran's foreign policy on the axis of influence after the crisis in Iraq and Syria has been more defensive-security and pragmatic in nature. However, the reactions in the two countries mentioned above have been challenged by the influential powers on the other hand. Therefore, adopting a strategy designed to resolve this contradiction is the issue raised in this study (issue). The author has used a qualitative-interpretive method with a descriptive-analytical approach to prove his hypothesis (method). It seems that Iran has tried to be much more active in the crisis zone than before in order to prevent unwanted changes in the regional balance system, which may jeopardize Iran's current position, and by emphasizing the protection of national interests. Defensive-security and at the same time active foreign policy has tried to maintain and stabilize its regional position and strengthen it at times (hypothesis). Iran's foreign policy approach to both crises, emphasizing the Islamic awakening in these two countries, is completely realistic, pragmatic, security and based on national interests, in order to prevent the penetration of the crises of these two countries to Iran and To maintain and expand its national-political interests in the crisis zone (findings).

In societies where social classes do not live on their own and are the toy of governments, they have no will of their own and are drawn to this side and the other side of power, and as a result lose their ability to express themselves and be mobile and play with their hands. They will be upstairs. Now the question is, what effect does the middle class have on stability or instability in managing political, social and cultural crises? It seems that political, social and cultural instability or instability in crises is a pervasive relationship with the strengthening or weakening of the middle class in At the heart of society's economic growth has been the strengthening of the middle class, followed by the general state of affairs and political legitimacy, and the consequent strengthening of political, social, and cultural stability. Weakened politics, widespread discontent, and political, social, and cultural tensions follow Is Eshete. The above research is based on qualitative method and information retrieval through available documents and data discussed with descriptive-analytical approach. Data collection and data have been collected using existing documents and through the library and the Internet. It is the relationship between the middle class and political stability and public and social welfare and tries to examine the situation of the middle class in Iran both theoretically and experimentally with the approach of political economy and political sociology and how it affects Follow security and political stability in the country.

Since the end of the Cold War until today, we have faced an international system in transition (formation), the Middle East region is no exception to this rule. Regionalism, Shiism and militarism are not the ideological-security approach of Iran. But under the influence of this approach, at a certain point in time, they can explain Iran's foreign policy strategy in order to become a regional hegemon. Iran's efforts to increase its regional role are further aimed at increasing relative security (defensive realism, defense-security). Increasing the wealth of countries leads them to increase military power and then the spirit of adventure (aggressive realism, aggression - power). The author will use a qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach to answer the question and prove his hypothesis through the data under discussion. How has US policy of aggressive internationalism since eleven sephtamber affected the ideological-security approach of the Islamic Republic so far? US aggressive internationalism in the Middle East in the shadow of (the idea of a new world order) after eleven sephtamber has so far shifted Iran's ideological-security approach to (regionalism-Shiism-militarism) by shifting from defense-security policy to aggression policy. The aim of this research is to examine Iran's foreign policy against the aggressive US internationalism in the period under discussion.

The above research is of a fundamental type, with a qualitative-interpretive method and inference of information through existing documents with a descriptive-analytical approach, data collection and data The library has also sought to answer this question by taking notes from available and available sources: US foreign policy strategy to consolidate its position of global hegemony at the international system level after the aggressive internationalism plan has so far been affected. What programs has it been from? it seems that the US strategy in the field of foreign policy, after the offensive internationalism plan, based on its grand strategy, has set its ultimate goal of consolidating its position and global hegemony. But the plans and policies of the presidents (Bush-Obama-Trump) to consolidate this position and hegemony have been to use different ideas from each other (unilateralism, multilateralism, pragmatism). That is, the goal is the same, but the ways to achieve it will be different. The importance and necessity of conducting research is also an analysis of US foreign policy plans during the three presidencies of George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump to consolidate its position of global hegemony at the level of the international system.

Mining method selection (MMS) is one of the most important decisions in conceptual and feasibility study of mine designs to selecting the least costly method of exploitation of ore which is in accordance with the reserve characteristics such as geological, geometric, and geomechanical, that safety, technical and economic constraints are taken into account. MMS techniques can be classified into three categories: qualitative techniques, empirical models, and decision making. To reduce the weaknesses of the empirical models, in this study, by combining it with the Fuzzy analytical hierarchy process (FAHP) and Fuzzy PROMETEE decision-making technique, a suitable mining method in Mehdi Abad lead & zinc reserve has been proposed. First, using the experimental patterns: Nicholas, Nicholas modified, UBC, and UBC modified, the most suitable methods were identified. These methods include: Open-pit, sublevel stopping, room and pillar, and cut and fill that obtained the highest scores. For the implementation of Fuzzy MADM methods, the technical, economic, and environmental factors affecting the selection of the extraction method were determined based on the experts' opinions and their weights were calculated with the FAHP group technique. In the last step, by applying the Fuzzy PROMETEE technique, prioritization of the mining method was performed. Accordingly, open-pit mining was selected as the most suitable alternative. The proposed model has advantages in comparison with previous mining method selection techniques including weighting criteria with group decision making by FAHP, apply of Fuzzy data according to a real condition, having a strong theoretic structure based on Fuzzy PROMETEE.