محمد کرمپوری

In this article, an attempt has been made to explain the governance of AI based on the perspective of political phenomenologists with Morrow's interpretive approach and theoretical framework. The main question is: How does political phenomenology provide insights into the concept of AI governance? According to the hypothesis, the phenomenology of AI governance has a mathematical and positivist rationality. The results of the research also show that political phenomenologists refer to mathematical systems in the process of forming the rule of artificial intelligence; the formal systems of mathematics that create the mathematical world cause the mathematization of the life-world and its political horizon; and finally, the sovereignty of AI emerges. This process is not related to the philosophical development of existence and human freedom, and it is a kind of forgetting the life-world and is in conflict with the human meaning of phenomenology. They consider this process to be the cause of the attenuation of ancient virtues and the distortion of political action in the sense of the political space of the city-state, and while adopting a cosmic vision, anti-modernism mainly shows its dependence on the virtues and rights and natural law of pre-modern political systems against the modern systems of the mathematical world.

The dynamics and fundamental in shifts East Asian geopolitics, coupled with emerging security threats such as the China-Taiwan geopolitical rift, have prompted Japan to reassess its defense and security strategy. Consequently, Japan has altered its strategic ambiguity regarding Taiwan, elevating it to a grand strategic priority. In this geopolitical rift, China represents the most significant strategic challenge, capable of upsetting the current security dynamics and regional equilibrium to Japan's detriment through the potential seizure of Taiwan. Therefore, the critical question is: How can Japan's response to Taiwan's heightened defense-security significance be understood? The hypothesis suggests that within the framework of Kishida's defense-security documents, Japan adopts an active balancing strategy against China, involving substantial investment in defense affairs, strengthening the Japan-U.S. alliance, establishing regional power balancing, and deterrence. The research findings indicate that to prevent a Chinese attack on Taiwan, Kishida, by adopting a balancing and containment strategy within Japan's new defense architecture, has extended the depth of cross-domain deterrence to the Taiwan Strait. Through realistic defense diplomacy, in addition to increasing Japan's participation in the U.S. integrated deterrence network to contain China, he is creating a new integrated regional security order and deterrence network based on security-defense cooperation within the framework of alliances and security pacts with like-minded countries against a potential Chinese military action against Taiwan. The research method is descriptive-analytical, utilizing an analysis of the most important national defense documents, analyses by East Asian defense experts, and security studies centers.

The present article aims to examine the dynamics arised from the AUKUS Treaty on Australia's deterrence and its link with the USA' capabilities in the Indo-Pacific region. The main question is how Australia will fulfill its deterrent role in this region with the AUKUS agreement, and what capabilities and opportunities Australia gains to shape its security environment. The main argument is that the AUKUS agreement creates a defense capability for the evolution of Australia's defense and security strategy, allowing it to adapt its strategy to the cross-domain deterrence of the USA and the United Kingdom as a naval power emerges with a modern fleet. By activating power dynamics in the form of centrality in the Oceania cluster and power linked to the USA' security network in the Indo-Pacific, it controls order through conventional deterrence against China. The research findings show that the AUKUS agreement, by creating synergy between various military and non-military domains, will disrupt the regional order in the region from a "geography of peace" to a "geography of conflict" and cause function of order on the edge of chaos. The article is using the content analysis method of qualitative data collected from reports, national defense documents, updated defense strategic documents 2020 and Australia's maritime security strategy 2022, comments of Australian government officials, the analysis of experts and experts in East Asian defense issues and security study centers have been used.

The power cycle demonstrates the rise and fall of major powers, and consequently, the desired world order weakens with the decline of the power cycle. The purpose of this article is to explore the relationship between the power cycle and the American world order. The issue at hand is what impact the power cycle of the US has on the world order, and the question raised is how the US power cycle has influenced the American world order on the international stage. Based on the hypothesis that if the power of the US declines, the world order will also decline with it. The relative decline of the US in the power cycle and the relative decline of the new global order indicate that the international system is moving towards multipolar dynamism. The results also indicate that as the US goes through the decline phase of the power cycle, the new global order is also weakened on the scale of the power cycle. Factors such as the 2008 financial crisis, the US presence in high-cost wars after September 11, as well as the relative share of power in the global system with the rise of global powers such as India, China, and Japan, and the emergence of regional and trans-regional powers such as Iran and Russia in the international system have confronted America with relative decline in the power cycle, which has also confronted the new global order with relative decline. The research method used in this study is the correlation method, based on a descriptive-analytical approach, and the data collection method is library-based and documentary.

The fundamental developments in the geopolitics of East Asia, along with the change in regional and international power equations, have forced Japan to reconsider its commitment to pacifism enshrined in the constitution. In this framework, the evolution of Japan's security and defense strategy after Fumio Kishida (known as the Kishida Doctrine) became priminister has become more noticeable than Shinzo Abe priministership. The current research tries to answer the question of what components have influenced the evolution of Japan's security and defense strategy during the Kishda era and the presentation of his doctrine. The main argument of the article is that the transformation in Japan's defense-security strategy is a response to the international and regional structural changes caused by the emergence of China as a system-challenging actor and the uncertainty of the commitments of the United States in its all-round support in the event of the occurrence of war and acute geopolitical tensions. Based on the theory of neo-realism, the findings of the research show the international and regional structural dynamics resulting from the global and regional intersection between China and the United States, the increasing pressure of the United States on Japan in order to increase the broader security and defense role, the increase in the arms race in East Asia, the international implications of Russia's attack on Ukraine, and the increase in Russian military movements in northern Japan, along with the stable factors of the increase in North Korea's nuclear and missile threats, have influenced the evolution of Japan's defense and security strategy. Therefore, Kishida's doctrine, emphasizing the necessity of playing a more dynamic role in global and regional politics and increasing the capabilities of defense-military capabilities, indicates Japan's turn from the previous defense strategy to the behavior of balancing active forces.

 The world empire of Achaemenid Iran is recognized as a hegemonic power in the international system of ancient times. This government had hegemonic coordinates in the classical and modern sense, which required a hegemonic power above all else. The Mazdei hegemony was formed based on the political ideas of Iranshahri and the Iranian world order, which was reflected in the Achaemenid foreign policy strategy. The main question is; How was Iranshahri political thought of the Achaemenid era formed based on the concept of hegemony and hegemonic system in the creation of a new Iranshahri world order in the international arena? The results show that Achaemenid Iran as a hegemonic power at the level of the triple system of the ancient world controlled three important regional systems of the ancient world, i.e. the system of the Indian subcontinent and South Asia, the system of the Middle East and the Near East, and most of the Mediterranean system. In addition to legitimate military and economic measures to maintain its hegemony over the international systems, this government used techniques to control power centers, including the balance of power technique to control centrifugal regional powers. Also, the foundation and focal point of Iran's hegemony is based on the justice and specific ideology of the imperial government. In this era, based on the earthly and cosmic order of the imperial system, the cultural, military, economic and political hegemony of Iranshahri was formed and with a dynamic and advanced economy based on economic and commercial power, it created a powerful and unified monetary system in the ancient world. The research method in this article is based on the comparative method and the data collection method is based on library and reliable internet sources.

Recently, many analysts have charted the rise of great power competition over the global distribution of power amidst the current flux and emerging dynamics which are reshaping the global order (and themselves are largely driven by governments and security actors). Currently, India is a major power in the Indo-Pacific region by the virtue of its GDP and military power. By utilizing library-method of data collection and a descriptive-analytical research method, this article seeks to examine the implications of India's emergence as a great power for the American dominance over world order. The paper proposes the hypothesis that the emergence of new powers weakens unipolarity, thus, leading to a bipolar or multipolar world order. The paper further argues that over the short-term horizon India will further entrench its status as a regional hegemon in the Indo-Pacific region, whilst over the long-term horizon it will emerge as a great power in the international order. The results obtained indicate that India is gradually taking over the power share of the larger countries, namely China and the US, and reshaping the regional power balance in its favor. India's growing power may prima facie seem to pose a challenge to the US-led world order, which is currently in need of new comprehensive arrangements that reshape the balance of power internationally. However, it should be noted that India’s strategic outlook which is based on cooperation and partnership with the US for containing the rise of China, which in turn implies that its regional leadership initiative could ultimately strengthen American hegemony in the Indo-Pacific.

The process of arms competition among the countries of the West Asian region has intensified in the last two decades to the extent that most of the economic incomes of the countries of this region have been spent on defense costs and weapons purchases; But in this competition, America has played a more prominent and important role than other world powers in this region. An important question that is raised in connection with this process is, what was the reason for the prominent role of America in increasing the arms race of West Asian countries? The results show that the United States, as a leading and hegemonic power, has defined the arms trade in West Asia in terms of domestic, regional and global goals, and the causes of the prominent role of the United States can be domestically due to the prosperity of the economy and the arms industry. At the regional level, as a result of the increasing deterrence power of the United States of West Asia against Iran, it includes justifying its presence in West Asia to gain regional hegemony, forming its desired order to dominate the region and fight against terrorism, and at the international level, maintaining and promoting his hegemony in competition with great powers. The theoretical framework of this article is designed based on the theory of neo-realism and the concepts of defense economy. And by using the library method, he collected the data and analyzed them with a descriptive-analytical approach.

Most Muslims in the United States suffer from discrimination and injustice in society and the political system of this country and consider it as a phenomenon of Islamophobia. Islamophobia against Muslims in the United States is a structural phenomenon based on ideological and institutional teachings. So in this article, we will try to answer the questions: How have anti-Islamic structures and institutions in the United States been influenced by neoconservative thinking? And how do Islamophobic ideologies fuel the spread of Islamophobia in this country? And what are the consequences of this anti-Islamic vision at the level of the American political system against American Muslims? After analyzing the situation of Muslims in the United States, we believe that the main ideological doctrine of discrimination against Muslims and other minorities in the United States is the neoconservative cultural, political, social, and economic system. The main fruit of this system is the production of inequality. Therefore, within this system, equality of Muslims with political elites and capitalists is difficult, and the main function of the political system is to maintain this inequality. That is why anti-Islamic capitalist institutions and structures have spread Islamophobia by funding the political system, one of the most important consequences of which is to create bottlenecks in the social, legal and religious life of Muslims in the United States. The theoretical framework of this paper is based on thought neoconservatism and the research method has a descriptive and analytical approach and the method of data collection is based on the library and reliable internet resources.