محمد یوسفی جویباری

Amir Asadzadeh Mohammad Yousefi Joybari Samad Zahiri Agjehdizaj Mohammad Ghorbani Golshanabad Abstract Security policy in critical areas is one of the main concerns of research institutions and study centers. Security in areas such as the Caucasus is important in that the historical roots of the conflict can be traced to the politics of countries. Whenever there are manifestations of authoritarianism, countries are in a state of cooperative action. The Caucasus is a place of violent confrontation between groups with different cultural, identity and historical forms. The Caucasus region is located on the border between two Islamic and Christian civilizations and three Russian, Turkish and Iranian cultures. With an area of about a quarter of the area of Iran, this region is home to more than 50 ethnic and linguistic groups and followers of the three religions of Judaism, Islam and Christianity. Historical features and processes have an impact on regional security dynamics in Central Eurasia. For this reason, approaches are of particular importance in explaining the security policy-making processes in the Caucasus regions. This article seeks to answer the question, using a descriptive-analytical method, of what regional security approaches and policies can be identified and analyzed in the Caucasus? The findings of this research show that the Caucasus region, due to the legacy of the Soviet era and the conditions created after independence, is defined as a region where the concept of security interdependence between its units applies. Therefore, the security policies of this region can be identified and analyzed from three perspectives: realism, institutionalism, and neoliberalism.

During the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah, there were political, cultural, and economic relations between the two countries of Iran and Saudi Arabia. The main question of this research is: What were the political relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia like during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah? The cooperation of Iran as a military pillar and Saudi Arabia as a financial pillar and the alliance with the West and America, the suppression of movements opposing the existing status quo such as the Omani Communist Movement (Dhofar) had led to friendly political relations between the two countries. The cooperation of Iran as a military pillar and Saudi Arabia as a financial pillar and the alliance with the West and America, the suppression of movements opposing the existing status quo such as the Omani Communist Movement (Dhofar) had led to friendly political relations between the two countries. The two countries were among the largest oil producers in the world and founders and members of OPEC, and they exchanged views on stabilizing and fluctuating prices as well as the amount of oil production of this organization. There were not many cultural and economic relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, except for the issue of oil. Religious differences between the people of these two countries, the mistreatment of Iranian pilgrims by Saudi officials, and regional rivalries between these two countries have been among the reasons for the rivalry and hostility between these two countries during this period.

The Kurdish separatism issue has always been one of the major fault lines in the West Asian region, with the potential to be activated at any time. After the emergence of ISIS, the power vacuum in Iraq deepened to the extent that the Kurdistan Region assessed the situation as conducive for holding an independence referendum. Masoud Barzani, then President of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, after years of effort, was ultimately able to garner considerable support among various Kurdish factions for implementing the scenario of establishing an independent Kurdish state. The successful execution of such a scenario could have triggered another wave of violence and instability based on ethnic differences in the West Asian region. The collapse of the bipolar world order led to two waves of regional instability globally. The first wave, occurring in the early 1990s, cast its shadow over the geographical areas south and west of the former Soviet Union, such as Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Balkans, and Eastern Europe. Gradually, these areas came under control and achieved relative stability. The second wave destabilized the Middle East, especially in the early 21st century, and continues to persist with increasing intensity. This instability stems from the confrontation between two major actors: on one side, an extra-regional actor, specifically the United States, aiming to control the affairs of this geographical space, and on the other side, regional actors comprising a collection of some states, nations, and organized groups that are not necessarily aligned or unified. This phenomenon partially reflects what Huntington referred to as the "clash of Western and Islamic civilizations." The outcome of this confrontation is the proliferation of crises in the Middle East and the transformation of its geopolitical processes. Specific examples of these crises include the Palestine-Israel-Lebanon conflict, the Kurdish issue, the Iraq crisis, the Afghanistan conflict, the security crisis in Pakistan, the Iran-U.S. confrontation, the legitimacy issues of governments, the spread of fundamentalist ideologies, the development of Arab-Turkish-Iranian rifts—or what can be described as the triangular rift—the crisis of insecurity and terrorism, among others. These crises have the potential to fuel further instability, insecurity, and transformation. This study aims to conduct a comparative analysis of Iran and Turkey’s foreign policy concerning the Kurdistan Region’s independence referendum, offering a distinct perspective on the Kurdish issue in Iraq. Given the Kurdistan Region's geo-strategic and geo-political significance, any changes in the Kurdistan Region could have significant impacts on Iraq, Iran, Turkey, and the Middle Eastern policies of extra-regional powers.

The objective of this study was to examine the cultural factors countering ISIS's influence on the regional relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This research is classified as applied in terms of its purpose, descriptive in nature, and exploratory mixed-method in terms of its variables. The statistical sample comprised experts and officials responsible for foreign relations, takfiri groups, and ISIS, who were active in policymaking and research centers in 2022. In the quantitative section, 335 participants were randomly selected through stratified sampling from among active members in the fields of foreign relations and regional terrorism. The qualitative findings were analyzed using thematic analysis with MAXQDA 10 software, while the quantitative section was analyzed using structural equation modeling via LISREL software. The quantitative findings confirmed all the qualitative components based on the structural equation model. Cultural factors, with a coefficient of 0.210, were found to significantly impact ISIS's influence on the regional relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The purpose of this research was to investigate the impact of interdependence and globalization on good governance and foreign policy of governments. According to the subject of the research, the objectives of the research were to study the effects of globalization and its consequences on the foreign policy of governments and to study the relationship between good government and good governance, and the method used in this research is descriptive, analytical, and in terms of type The research is a theoretical research. Good governance with its eight indicators works in regulating the relations between the government, the private sector and civil institutions in such a way that each of them achieves the set goals and the efficiency and performance of the government. raise the model of good governance by making all sectors active and if the conditions are available, can achieve sustainable human development by using the power of the private and civil sectors of the country. Good governance by increasing political freedoms, freedom of the press and free dissemination of information as the rights of commenting and accountability in the long term, citizens can be expected to have the power to monitor and control the actions of governments, and this causes Governments should be more responsive to meeting the needs of the people and choose policies that lead to the development of human capital, investment in the general expenses of the society, optimal allocation of resources and ultimately improvement of economic growth. With the increase in political stability in the long term, risk and uncertainty in the country's economic environment will decrease, and as a result, domestic and foreign investments and economic growth will increase. In fact, the rule of law index indicates that in a society where the citizens and rulers obey and respect the law, government contracts are executed properly, property rights are respected, and the functioning of the judicial system is acceptable. Anticipation and complaints against the government become successful and these factors cause the efficient allocation of private and public resources to productive activities and accelerate economic growth. In general, sustainable development means development It is sustainable in economic, social and environmental dimensions at the same time and will preserve natural resources and increase the quality of life of society.

The purpose of the current research was to investigate the strategic factors in dealing with the influence of ISIS on the regional relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research method was applied and mixed exploratory. The sample of the qualitative part of experts and experts in charge of foreign relations. The population of this research in the quantitative part of experts and experts in charge of foreign relations, which in 1401 are working in research centers with the number of 335 people and randomly A class was selected. The analysis was carried out based on the Max Kyuda 10 software of Lisrel software. The findings of the quantitative part confirmed all the qualitative parts based on the model of the structural equation model. Strategies have a factor of 221/0 on the influence of ISIS on the regional relations of the Islamic Republic.

Political psychology deals with the understanding of politics, politicians and political behavior from a psychological perspective and psychological processes using socio-political perspectives. The purpose of this article is to investigate the impact of Volodymyr Zelensky's personality and psychological characteristics on the war between Russia and Ukraine. In this article, we are looking for an answer to the question, what effect did Zelensky's personality traits have on the war between Russia and Ukraine? A war that has greatly affected the state of various global markets, including food and energy. From the perspective of political psychology, influential people as important decision makers of human societies, whose output of decisions and actions can determine the fate of individuals and countries, are good cases for examining personality traits. In this article, we have tried to use the theories of political psychology that overlap with the analysis of political roles. In this regard, using the descriptive-analytical method, we came to the conclusion that the war between Russia and Ukraine is undeniably linked to the personality and psychological characteristics of Volodymyr Zelensky. Personality and psychological characteristics that have a direct role in his leadership style and can be examined from the perspective of political psychology paradigms.

one of the points of contention in Iraq and the region has been the issue of the independence of Iraqi Kurdistan. What has made this issue international in scope is the connection of this region with Kurds in Iran, Turkey, Syria, etc. This linkage has led to convergent behavior in the foreign policies of these countries, particularly Iran and Turkey, concerning Iraqi Kurdistan. Therefore, the research question arises: What impacts did theKurdistan independence referendum have on the foreign policy of Iran and Turkey, and what has been the unified and common approach of Iran and Turkey's foreign policy regarding the independence-oriented orientation of Iraqi Kurdistan? This article, using a library-based method and based on a descriptive-analytical approach, posits the hypothesis that the challenge of the Kurdistan referendum and their independence aspirations have become so serious for both countries that it has led to the formation of an alliance regarding this issue, and both countries have always sought to prevent the independence of this region. Hence, the approach taken by these two countries concerning Iraqi Kurdistan can be explained within the framework of the Balance of Threat theory. The research findings indicate that in recent years, the main strategy of Iran and Turkey, despite numerous differences regarding recent Middle East crises, includes several components. One of the most important components is the emphasis and effort topreserve the territorial integrity of Iraq and opposition to its fragmentation. To achieve this goal, the two countries have formed an alliance to secure their national interests. This is because Iran and Turkey have significant Kurdish populations, and the creation of a Kurdish state in Iraq would establish a successful model in the region and influence the Kurds in both countries.

Sanctions are one of the tools and mechanisms used by governments for protecting national interests and confining the power of other governments. After establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran, this country has always faced a broad range of sanctions from the great world powers. This research tries to evaluate and analyze the role of desired governance in dealing with sanctions and campaign of economic war against the Islamic Republic of Iran. The main question of this research is that "How is the role of desired governance in confronting with sanctions and economic war against the Islamic Republic of Iran analyzed and evaluated?" The answer to this question is that according to the transformational approach in favorable governance, the role of favorable governance in confronting with sanctions and economic war against the Islamic Republic of Iran can be evaluated and analyzed. The findings showed that considering the weak results of the Iran development strategy in the past years, application of a transformational approach in governance in order to confine the economic power of political institutions, improve transparency and accountability and create context for the formation of a powerful civil society are essential. This research investigates the role of desired governance in confronting with sanctions and economic war with descriptive and analytical method using of library, documentary resources and books and articles.

Due to its strategic importance and rich resources, the Caucasus region has always been considered as a unique geopolitical unit in the world. In general, the sensitivity of the region as the focus of international attention has always been the focus of foreign powers throughout history, so that this greedy attention, along with problems in the structure of various ethnicities, has caused a kind of tension in the region. And there is instability. This study has tried to address the issue of divergence in the perspective of relations between these countries with a comprehensive and complete approach. The question that arises in this study is that based on what approaches and models can the relations between the countries of the South Caucasus region be analyzed and evaluated? In other words, which of them can be a good theoretical basis for analyzing regional relations? In answer to the above questions, it can be said that each of the theories can analyze the situation in the South Caucasus region, but using the integrated model of regional subsystem theory, convergence. Regional regions and better regional order can analyze the present complex relations and equations. Therefore, the main issue of the present study is the analysis of relations between the countries of the South Caucasus region based on an integrated model, according to which, it seems, the future perspective of the situation in this region leads to a kind of divergence. The research method of this research is analytical-descriptive studies and based on collecting library information, reviewing documents and analyzing them and is of qualitative type.

Before the victory of the Islamic revolution, the army played an important role in ensuring the country's national security due to its structural characteristics (discipline, hierarchy and loyalty to the first person of the government) and its sovereign affiliations with other security institutions. With the occurrence of the Islamic revolution, due to the same sovereign and loyal ties to the former regime and the distrust of the forces of the revolution - which were influenced by the Marxist leftist movements in sync with the former Soviet Union (Tudeh party, Chezikhas of the People's Fedayees and the People's Mojahedin Khalq) - towards it, In the beginning, it was marginalized to ensure national security. After the revolutionary purges and purges and the declaration of support for Imam Khomeini, the great founder of the Islamic Revolution, and becoming a school-based and revolutionary army, it gradually entered the security equations of the Islamic Republic. The issue of this research is "What role did the army of the Islamic Republic of Iran play in ensuring the national security of the country during the first decade of the Islamic revolution and within the framework of various security strategies?"

This article has been compiled with a descriptive-analytical method and its data has been collected in a library form. Discuss The army in the era of expansion-oriented security strategy: dissolution or continuation In the Pahlavi patrimonial system, the imperial army of Iran considered it their duty to blindly obey their superiors without question. For this reason, the army was hierarchically connected to the king and was under his command. Based on the principle of loyalty, the orders and plans of the army were taken from the king and he acted accordingly. Such a system of loyalty was created as a result of the regime's extensive propaganda (reading collective prayers in the morning for the king's health and survival, or the slogan "God, King, Motherland") and, of course, the payment of rewards to the military. The army was completely dependent on the king. The king's autocratic and autocratic culture and relations had made the army so obedient and follower that in the absence of the king, independent and coherent decision and action on its part was completely ruled out. The king was like a country for the army. This degree of loyalty and dedication made the army chiefs not to surrender to the revolution as much as possible, and only declared neutrality when they felt that the revolution was on an irreversible path. Before the victory of the revolution, the leader of the revolution always tried to create a separation between the army and the king. In his messages, he asked the people not to insult the army and not to attack them, and in return he asked the army. Abandon the spirit of dependence on Shah and America and stop killing people. The Imam advised the people to welcome the free and independent soldiers, "The people of Iran are obliged to respect the honorable officers and officials. They should note that a few traitorous army people cannot infect the majority of the army." This peaceful approach of the leader of the revolution played an important role in dissociating the discipline and obedience of the army body to the orders of the superiors and ultimately declaring its neutrality.The position of the army in providing security in the period of defense strategy (war period) Considering the issues caused by the war for the country's security considerations, the government of the Islamic Republic should focus all its efforts on dealing with itssecurityconsequences. For this reason, the preservation and protection of the country's territorial integrity and the preservation of the newly established political system against the objective threats caused by the war had occupied the attention of the system. The national security of the country prevailed. For this reason, an effort was made to establish a reconciliation between "values" and "realities" and between "beings" and "musts". It is for this reason that some talk about the "cycle of idealism and realism" in the analysis of different stages of the war. The army and providing national security: defensive operations (September 1959 to May 1960) During this period, it was decided that instead of a general mutual confrontation with the Iraqi army, the army would limit itself to "local, temporary, local and small attacks". The ultimate goal of these defensive operations was to stop the enemy's war machine from advancing further. All the efforts of the army headquarters in the first six months of the war prevented the fall of the cities of Abadan and then Ahvaz. Especially after the fall of Khorramshahr, the protection of Abadan was paid attention to. The army forces succeeded in doing this with the help of the people's forces, and with a few limited operations, they forced the aggressor forces to stop and take a defensive position, which was an important achievement in the way of securing security. and maintaining the territorial integrity of the country was considered.

 The army, which could not play a significant role in the country's national security equations at the beginning of the victory of the Islamic Revolution, after the purges and the efforts made to make it academic and revolutionary with the all-round support of Imam Khomeini. Reh), the great founder of the revolution, since its existence, has played an irreplaceable and effective role in ensuring the country's national security, maintaining the system and territorial integrity of the country. In addition, the three forces of the army in cooperation and coordination with the forces of the Revolutionary Guards and with the blessing of the revolutionary spirit existing among the young officers, the spirit of self-reliance, self-reliance and confronting the comprehensive sanctions of the enemy during the first decade of the revolution to the general society. And even some of the officials spread it and it was the source of many huge works in different economic sectors that prevented the country's economic breakdown at that time. With their sacrifices on the battlefield and the liberation of the occupied areas of the country, the army forces contributed significantly to the defense diplomacy of the country, as after the liberation of Khorramshahr, the diplomatic exchanges to stop the war and Iran's superior position in this field are clearly visible. Is. In this way, the army of the Islamic Republic of Iran despite all the bottlenecks and shortages

After the Islamic Revolution, the foreign relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran underwent a fundamental change, which can be observed in the formation of new boundaries in international relations different from Iran’s foreign relations during the Pahlavi era. What is noteworthy is the different type of foreign relations in the different periods of the political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, including the second period, characterized by the idealist ideology-centric rule, and the third period, characterized by the pragmatic rule. The fundamental question arises as to what factors have been influential in shaping the different foreign relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran in these two periods. The findings of this research are based on the proposition that the influential factors in shaping the different foreign relations of the second and third periods include the different weight and significance of four key variables: the structure of the international system, domestic needs, the attitudes of decision-making elites, and geopolitics in defining national roles and goals. In fact, the different weight and significance of these four fundamental variables have led to the definition of different national roles and goals in the second and third periods, and as a result, have directed and ultimately led to the different foreign relations of these two periods. The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method includes library, documentary, and online sources.

Central Asia and the Caucasus, as part of the sphere of Iranian civilization, have a special position in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Especially, after the collapse of the Soviet :union: and the emergence of five independent political units instead of one, the Islamic Republic of Iran is faced with opportunities and threats that its understanding can lead to adopt a realistic, dynamic, inclusive diplomacy which is consistent with the realities of the Central Asian region, and in return, Iran can, among a multitude of regional and supra-regional powers, possess an appropriate share of political-economic and cultural capacities of Central Asia and the Caucasus. This study is conducted to explain the challenges and opportunities of the Islamic Republic of Iran's policy in Central Asia and the Caucasus. Therefore, the main question of this research is the challenges and opportunities of the Islamic Republic of Iran's policy in Central Asia and the Caucasus (Case study of Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan). It is assumed; policy-making of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Caucasus and Central Asia; 1) Recognizes Russia's vital interests. 2) Opposes the critical presence of governments outside the region. 3) Iran has always tried to establish its relations with the countries of the region according to maintaining its territorial integrity and observing good neighborliness. Accordingly, geopolitical factors seem to be neglected or acted against it in formulating the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in most cases. The research method is analytical-descriptive

The environment is the common heritage of humanity and the protection of its rights is a national and international necessity. But in recent years, this common heritage has been seriously jeopardized. In fact, with the advancement of human civilization and the development of technology and increasing population, the world is now facing a problem called crisis and environmental degradation that threatens the lives of the inhabitants of the planet. The environmental movements that have emerged in Europe have been able to influence the level of EU policy at the internal, regional and trans-regional levels due to the goals they have pursued since their inception. Environmental movements in European societies have sought to influence policies that have adverse effects on the human environment. Accordingly, the present study seeks to answer the question of what effect has environmental institutionalism had on the security and environmental issues in Europe? And how have environmental and social movements influenced the EU decision-making process? Answering these two questions requires an extensive study of environmental movements from different angles. As a result, this study focuses on how environmental movements in European communities affect EU environmental policy. The method used in this research will be descriptive-analytical.

The present study attempts to discuss criticisms of utilitarianism raised by the communitarians in the light of modern spirituality instructions. In this regard, it is aimed to answer the following main research question: What is the foundation of communitarians' critical approach to utilitarianism and what alternative do they offer instead of that? The hypothesis tested in answering to the above question is that the communitarians believe Cartesian epistemology makes hedonist and utilitarian ideas dominant in society and that they present Aristotelian virtue ethics (deontological) as an alternative to resolve the sentimentalist ethical crisis in the modern age and the utilitarian ethics. Although modern spirituality per se is the result of modernity, it basically has a critical and reactive feature and seeks a new enlightenment and spirituality to relieve from the domination and repression of instrumental reason. The communitarians' criticism of utilitarianism is one of the most serious scientific arguments. They believe that putting an end to the sentimentalist crisis in the modern age relying on the outcome-oriented ethics, utilitarianism, and liberalism is not feasible unless by resorting to the ideas of some scholars such as McIntyre, Michael Sandel, Charles Taylor, and Michael Walzer.

The issue of security is one of the problems of the world today in general and in the Persian Gulf in particular. The Persian Gulf, as the largest source of energy in the world, is particularly sensitive in terms of security for both major powers and countries in this field. This has created many security challenges in the region. As the dominant power in the region, which has the longest border with the Persian Gulf, Iran has sought collective security after the revolution without the presence of major powers. The Islamic Republic of Iran, which has entered the global equation with a new identity after the revolution, wants to have a security strategy that challenges the interests of the United States and the great powers. But the main issue in this region is the cooperation of the countries of the region with the United States and their confrontation with Iran, which has faced security challenges in the region after the revolution. In the meantime, the Islamic Republic can create opportunities from the threats of the US presence in the region and create practical opportunities by further converging with the countries of the Persian Gulf region. The Islamic Republic of Iran is with the countries of the region. However, this article seeks to answer the question of how the security-political challenges and opportunities of Iran and the United States in the Persian Gulf region can be explained.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of justice as one of the components of social life and one of the eternal and eternal human ideals in the survival of governments. The views of Hakim Abolghasem Ferdowsi as one of the most important symbols of Iranian thought and John Rawls as one of the most important Western thinkers on justice are discussed. And John Rawls' book The Theory of Justice is reviewed. Also, the difference in method and position of Ferdowsi Shahnameh is considered as a poetic book and Rawls's book is considered as a scientific and philosophical book. Also, for the practical study of the issue, the importance of justice in Iran after the Constitutional Revolution is discussed and it is shown that justice has a decisive effect on the survival of governments and can play an important role in the political arena of society. It shows that decline is a political phenomenon that has economic, cultural, social and foreign contexts or a combination of all of them and can be prevented, mitigated or sometimes progressive and threaten the foundation of a country. In the meantime, justice or tyranny is one of the most important elements in the decline or stability of governments. This conclusion can be used in national macro-planning, promotion of distributive justice and other types of justice based on final applied analysis.

The aim of this research was to investigate the relations between Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia in the context of their security policy. Accordingly, the main question of the research is: how can the competition between the two countries be perceived in the form of their security policy. This hypothesis for the question is proposed that: given Saudi Arabia's aggressive policy of balancing against the Islamic Republic of Iran in the field of confrontation between Shias and Wahhabis, support for allied religions, leadership of the Islamic world, Iran's nuclear plan and the actions of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the competition between the two countries can be analyzed in this regard. The findings showed that Saudi Arabia is trying to change the regional security order in its favor according to the shifts in the three domains of domestic, regional, and behavioral changes in the US actions for acquisition of influence and supremacy. This research has been conducted in descriptive-analytical method.

The relations of countries can provide the ground for their cooperation or conflict based on the influence of norms, perceptions and perceptions between them. Relations between Turks and Russians have long been hostile. Among the Russians, the traditional image of Turkey has been a disturbing one. For this reason, there is a pessimistic view of relations with Turkey, especially among nationalists, in Russia, and they still see Turkey in the Western and American camps. Turkey-Russia relations have been based on the introduction of Turkey as a model for other countries, as well as Turkey's maximum benefit from economic interests, especially after the AKP came to power. Relationships that have undergone many changes, especially in the period 2016 to 2019. In this research, an attempt has been made to discover the commonalities and differences between the realities and processes of Turkish foreign policy in relation to the Tsarist government of Russia in the period 2016-2019 using the method of comparative analysis. The results showed that Turkey's foreign policy towards Russia has always been based on the national interests of Turkey. Although Turkey is considered a strategic and strategic partner for Russia due to the passage of Russian energy transmission lines through its territory, but wherever Turkey's national and economic interests have required, by turning to and falling into the arms of Tsarist Russia. Or the United States has tried to make the most of these benefits.

In post-Saddam Iraq, the identity contest and lack of an inclusive government in organizing these competitions paved the way for identity conflict. This crisis caused increasing social divergence and acted as an obstacle for national and collective identity formation as preconditions in national government and political order establishment. In post-Saddam Iraq, the events such as ISIS rise, the Kurdish independence issue, the fragmentation between political and religious groups …, etc. show the identity policies’ confrontation. In identity confrontation, Iraq’s solution is resorting to identity interaction and to an inclusive and strong government establishment where can have all ethnic and religious groups (Kurds, Arabs, Shiites, and Sunnis) trust and cooperation. Explaining the different trends of various identities in Iraq and examining the identity crises which have prevented an efficient government and a cohesive nation emergence, this descriptive-analytic research seeks to answer this question: In Iraq are the different identities’ orientations in confrontation or in interaction? The results of the study show that there is a two-way and inverse relationship between them, i.e., the incomplete identity interaction process has created numerous crises leading to confrontation continuation between ethnic and religious groups, and this defective process has ultimately led to national and regional conflict spreading and intensification. In this paper, in collecting data and information the library resources is used applying Constructive theory.

Recent political developments in Iraq in various political, securities, cultural and economic fields have affected the relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran with this country. With the formation of the democratic process and the rise of the Shiites in the new Iraqi political system, Iran has achieved a good level of convergence with the Iraqi government, and these developments have improved Iran-Iraq relations. For this reason, recognizing the contexts and obstacles of strategic relations and the political strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in establishing and establishing political stability in Iraq can pave the way for these relations. The main research question is what are the contexts and obstacles of strategic relations and political strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in establishing and establishing political stability in Iraq (2003 to 2020)? The purpose of this study is to investigate the contexts and obstacles of strategic relations and political strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in establishing and establishing political stability in Iraq (2003 to 2020). This research is of descriptive-analytical and qualitative type. Findings show that the context of strategic relations and political strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in establishing political stability in Iraq are components such as geopolitical, geo-economics components, cultural components of Iran-Iraq relations, new Iraqi political structure, Shiite geopolitics and relations. Iran and Iraq are the formation of Takfiri-Salafi groups.

The importance of the Persian Gulf energy, as well as Iran's strategic and geopolitical importance in competing with the former Soviet :union:, America's main rival in the post-war world, made Iran the focus of US attention, and the Soviet :union: sought to weaken the United States. . On the other hand, the fragile economy of Western Europe, despite US aid under the Marshall Plan after World War II and the expansion of Soviet influence into the Western bloc, led the United States to make every effort to improve their economies and thus prevent the infiltration of ideas. Communists to these countries. One of the necessary tools for this purpose was cheap and high quality oil. Throughout its history, the United States has adopted different strategies depending on its global position. This change in strategy has been quite natural. From isolationism to globalism (internationalism); But what has always been constant is the nature of the strategies, all of which have been aimed at building economic empowerment, physical security, and value dissemination. The United States's policy toward the national movement has been broadly divided into three periods: first, support for the nationalization of the oil industry; Second, friendly mediation in resolving disputes with Britain; and third, opposition to Mossadegh and the overthrow of the national government. The most important goals that the United States pursued during the nationalization of the oil industry were: 1- Preventing the instability of the oil market and ensuring the flow of oil exports to world markets 2- Preventing Iran from getting out of the orbit of the Western satellites and falling into the trap of communism And the Soviet :union: 3. Breaking the British oil monopoly and participating in Iranian oil The question in this study is what role does the United States play in the political crises of contemporary Iran, and especially the nationalization of the oil industry? The United States of America has played an important role in creating a crisis in contemporary Iran with its role in the coup d'état of 28 August and the nationalization of the oil industry and its domination of various aspects of the country.

T The Middle East has always been a place of conflict between the world powers after World War I and II, using the theory of Bernard Lewis and Huntington, and the new Middle East plan was the result of this political conflict in the West. Iran, in the heart of the Middle East, as a religious country with ethnic diversity, has been the focus of the American system since the Islamic Revolution, after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, one of the political defense programs of the United States, confrontation with Iran due to the break of dependence and efforts for independence in the development (military) , economic, social, cultural and political). Among the cultural influence of Iran due to its religious culture and fight against modern exploitation and defense of the human rights of oppressed communities, Iran has become an important concern of the American political system. Based on this, the main goal of the research is to study the effect of strategic cooperation between Iran and China on the regional position of America in West Asia.

The research method is of documentary-historical type, which answers the main question by using first-hand historical sources, articles and books.

The results show that the United States has used various tactics of sanctions, issuing resolutions, assassinating scientists, and baiting regional countries to cut off relations with Iran and provoke them, in order to isolate Iran socially and politically, meanwhile, Iran has an alternative strategy to neutralize the multilateral effort America and its failure has been used to influence and dominate the region. In a sense, in the Middle East, it has become the restraining force of American military power and its political plans. The Iranian field means how to carry out a strategy against the American political game, derived from the Islamic Revolution and its constitution. Increasing military power, resistance economy, heroic softening (political authority), cultural jihad (media influence against the West) and social (strengthening of international and regional social capital) are among Iran's field policies against America.China is an important player in this field in the new era. Iran, as an important player in the Middle East region, is intelligently redefining its multilateral games in accordance with America's behavior. The 25-year contract with China, along with Iran's dignified and authoritative interaction, is a behavior to marginalize the power of American domination and reduce its extra-global pressures. This is a big crisis for the new American order, which is faced with a fluid and new regional and extra-regional order and will face a serious challenge to its status, power and diplomacy in the future.

This article examines and studies Iran's political-security strategy in the Persian Gulf between 2018 and 2020. The main question of the article is: Iran's political-security strategy was formed under the influence of what factors in the mentioned period? The hypothesis of this article is as follows: Iran's political-security strategy in the Persian Gulf in the years 2018 to 2020 was a reaction to the maximum pressure mechanism of the United States and the withdrawal of this country from the JCPOA. The results of this research show that despite Iran's efforts during the first term of Rouhani's presidency to promote an interactive policy with the world and cooperation with the Persian Gulf countries, due to the new tension with the United States, Iran also adopted an asymmetric deterrence strategy in order to to neutralize America's aggressive and hostile policies. The research method in this article is qualitative and descriptive and analytical, and the data of the article has been collected from library sources and in the form of surveys.

After World War I and II, with the aim of establishing a new world order and creating a new Middle East and reducing the authority of the Middle East against the Western world, the main players were the United States, England, and France. The 21st century witnessed many developments, including the collapse of regional governments, the active presence of the United States with the aim of engineering democracy but hegemony and becoming the main actor due to its dominance over development resources (oil, water, natural raw resources). In the meantime, some countries in the region, including Saudi Arabia (the political system of the kingdom), due to their historical enmity and inability to develop domestically and increase their defense-military power with extra-regional actors (America), developed cooperation scenarios with the aim of confronting Iran. As an important and strategic regional power, against the game of the first world order (America) with Saudi Arabia in the Middle East, Iran puts its national security interests at the top of its priority. Based on this, the main goal of the current research is to study possible and desirable scenarios of Saudi Arabia's arms cooperation with the United States of America, emphasizing the security and national interests of Iran. The research method is a historical-analytical study and the security order study unit of the West Asian region has used first-hand documents, scientific works (articles and books) as well as authoritative organizational documents to answer this question in the period of 2018-2019.